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What this confusion of incest taboos signifies is complicated, however. Creed states that it is the confusion of social boundaries that drives most horror films, and in a similar way here it is the confusion between boundaries that drives Blade Runner. Firstly is the confusion between what is human and what is not human. Secondly is the confusion of family roles (which is in many ways created by the first confusion).

A further role of the incestuous confusion comes back to the workings of the Film Noir. Crowie discusses Gilda in reference to Oedipus in Film Noir. She states that "Freud connects this type of object-choice [i.e. Deckard's choice of Rachel, who is Tyrell's 'property'] to the man's oedipal desires, so that the duplicitous woman is a mother surrogate" (Crowie, 1993). It can be seen clearly that the Replicants (especially Deckard, Rachel, Roy and Leon) are in desperate need of a mother figure, Deckard finds one in Rachel, and Roy finds one in Pris, and possibly Leon had found one in Zhora.

The scene where Pris is retired also holds a great deal of meaning in terms of the surrogate mother roles of the female Replicants. Pris is killed when she is shot in the stomach. As Pris gets her strength from her sexuality, being shot in the uterus is symbolically. Also, as Pris is the surrogate mother of Batty, the nature of her death forms a violent and bloody birthing sequence for Roy Batty, which may explain why Batty is virtually naked for the final scenes. Pris may also, to some extent, reflect the spider imagery used to signify the archaic mother. When at JF's apartment she dramatically changes her identity, becoming a long limbed, black and white, literal spider-woman.

This incestuous sub-text has a relevance to misogyny in the way that the taboo is broken. The Replicants return to Earth through violence, the "questionable things" that Batty speaks of. Thus the return to Earth, if viewed as sex with the mother takes on the traits of rape. The Replicants have been outlawed on Earth, rejected from the maternal womb in their maturity. It is a forcible and bloody return that they make.

The scene which occurs between Deckard and Rachel can also be seen as violent misogynist incest. When Rachel attempts to leave Deckard's apartment he rushes to the door, and bars her exit. Then he forces her against a venetian blind and kisses her. She protests that she cannot rely on the false memories she has been given, but Deckard ignores this, and forces her to say that she loves him, until she finally submits. This is perhaps one of the most outwardly misogynist moments in the movie. It outlines again how subservient Rachel is, especially when compared to the other, more self-aware Replicants.

A defence of this scene is that both Deckard and Rachel, as Replicants, are inexperienced when it comes to emotion, and what the scene represents are two people trying hard to cope in a new situation. This does seem to be corroborated by the way in which Deckard is constantly surprised whenever he experiences emotion. An example of this is the point in the film where Zhora is shot. Here Deckard seems shocked by the events, and does not appear to know how to deal with what he has done. However, in the scene, Deckard appears motivated mainly by anger. This is, after all, the second time that Rachel has walked out on him. Whether anger is the emotion which he is trying to deal with seems uncertain.

To complicate matters further, when Rachel is at the piano she alters her hair from the artificial looking style she wore previously, to a bushy, and more natural style, seemingly mimicking one of the photos in Deckard's possession, a sepia print of a woman that he spends time looking at, when sitting at the piano. As there seems to be some connection between family history and photographs, it could be argued that this represents a further Oedipal rape, where Rachel in effect becomes at least the image of what Deckard views as his mother. The relationship between the Replicant characters become more and more convoluted, the more closely they are observed.

Another of Scott's films, Alien, uses archaic mother symbolism. The archaic mother is shown in the strange shapes of the distressed ship, the leathery eggs and the dark dank places within the Nostromo. The computer aboard the Nostromo, named Mother, who is also representative of the Company, is equally uncaring of her children, placing the alien, as a phallic fetish object of the mother, above the crew of the ship. In Blade Runner the Replicants face similar maternal rejection. However, there appears to be no form of fetish object beyond the real humans themselves, who after all are quite welcome to stay on Earth, i.e. with the mother, eating away at the Spider's back of the city.

Creed also examines closely one of the key elements of male anxiety; castration fear. Freud believed that the very common male castration anxiety develops in the human male from misunderstanding the differences between the male and female sex, viewing his mother as somehow a castrated version of his father. Creed in Monstrous Feminine states that "castration anxiety has given rise to two of the most powerful representations of the monstrous-feminine...: woman as castrator and woman as castrated." (Creed, 1993) She believes that Freud's understanding of the father as castrator was presumptuous, and that much of the anxiety comes from fear of castration by the mother. To back this up she quotes Rheingold's The Fear of Being a Woman.

"Classical theory has it that the boy fears castration by the father as punishment for his sexual interest in the mother. This is not verified by my clinical experience... Throughout life, the man fears woman a castrator, not the man" (Qtd. Creed, 1993)

Thus the female castrator image occurs again and again through the genres that lie closest to the human subconscious, those of fantasy and horror. The mother figure in Psycho is perhaps one of the clearest examples, although literally absent from the plot. Misery and Alien can also be cited as an example of the femme castratrice with Kathy Bates brilliant portrayal as the overbearing, sledgehammer wielding, "Number 1 fan" and the toothed vagina of the zenomorph.

Throughout Blade Runner Deckard is symbolically castrated many times by the Replicants he chases. He loses his laser tube more often than he uses it, when encountering both Leon and Batty. The clearest castration imagery is to be found in the scene with Pris at JF's apartment. Here Pris masquerades as one of JF's toys, which are perhaps more obscene in their existence than the Replicants themselves. Deckard unveils her, and she strikes, attempting to crush his neck between her thighs.

Pris has been, throughout the film, portrayed as an attractive spider-woman, luring JF into taking Batty to see Tyrell. Here, however, she becomes a grotesque clown, who grimaces in her conflict with the Blade Runner. The threat to Deckard clearly comes from the source of Pris' power, i.e. her sex, and the mixture of images between Deckard being crushed and the toothy grimace of his assailant seems to suggest a vagina dentata. Creed sites a rich number of mythical and folklore examples of this castrating force, that of the toothed vagina. She goes on to state that "the myth about woman as castrator clearly points to male fears and phantasies about the female genitals as a trap, a black hole which threatens to swallow them up and cut them into pieces. The vagina dentata is the mouth of hell..." (Creed, 1993)

Creed discusses one of the explanations for the vagina dentata in terms of the "all encompassing maternal figure of the pre-Oedipal period, who threatens symbolically to engulf the infant thus posing a threat of psychic obliteration." (Creed, 1993) The viewer must remember that at this point in the text Deckard is still perhaps wondering if he himself is a Replicant. If this is so then the femme castratrice imagery makes a great deal of narrative sense. If "Deckard" is merely a set of false memories, then that which he knows as his personality comes into question. Deckard risks losing his personality to that of the Replicants, as much as he risks losing it to his mother. This idea is also backed up by the importance of the (absent/archaic) mother figure in the lives of the Replicants, from Leon to Rachel. Thus Pris as castrator goes beyond being a femme castratrice, and becomes a castrating Replicant. What this means outside the narrative is that Deckard is in danger of losing his humanity, by attempting to destroy the Replicants, i.e. he will lose his empathy, that which makes us human.

However, to site this example of the female castrator would be unjust to the film. Stephen Neale lists a number of castration signifiers in the text: "Roy breaks Deckard's fingers, Roy pierces his own hand with a nail; the neon dragon outside the night-club has a phallic tongue which constantly flicks in and out." Added to this is the way in which Deckard repeatedly loses his weapon (It is possible to view such a weapon as a second phallus, a way in which men may allay fears of castration), but at the hands of his male assailants. Again, we must consider that the difference being battled here is not the difference between the male and the female, but the difference between the human and the non-human, the empathic and the non-empathic.

Perhaps one of the most perplexing arguments about misogyny in Blade Runner comes from its fascination with post modernism. The film has been cited as a strong example for post modernism on a number of counts, chiefly the variety of architecture (stone cladding in the lifts), the variety of cultures within the city dwellers (from punk to Krishna), the concept of the Replicant as a "human signifier", and the usage of Film Noir. Post modernism itself has become more and more useful in both assessing and creating works, as can be seen by the success of Quentin Tarantino as a director, who has become ridiculously sought after considering he has directed a mere 2 and a quarter films.

Tarantino came under a great deal of criticism for the levels of violence in his films, but was defended by many stating that the films weren't violent in themselves, but were about screen violence. In a similar way it is possible to see Blade Runner functioning in a similar way with reference to Film Noir, and cinema in general.

If the Replicants are viewed as "human signifiers" then they can be seen to function in a similar way to characters within a film. This is backed up by a number of similarities between the Replicants and cinematic characters. Firstly is the way in which the Replicants are slaves, designed for specific purposes, in the same way that characters are created to perform specific functions, in effect slaves to the films narrative. Secondly is the way in which the Replicants display superhuman abilities, such as Pris' retrieving the egg from the boiling water. This mirrors the superhuman abilities displayed by even the mortal characters within films. Lastly is the way the Replicants emotions are so powerful when compared to their human counterparts, which is similar to the melodramatic nature of the films. This is also carried through into the dialogue of the Replicants, from Rachel's bitter one-liners, "I'm not in the business, I am the business", to Batty's philosophy. The fact that Blade Runner is set in Los Angeles is no accident, as it means that the Replicants are created in the very place that films are made.

This seems to be backed up by the "real" women, and indeed men, in the film. Instead of the gracious, beautiful, occidental characters the Replicants present, the real characters take the form of the aged oriental geneticist, the one eyed shop assistant, the sickened JF Sebastian, etc.

How this affects the plot is intriguing. Deckard is suddenly chasing a series of film stereotypes across the futuristic landscape, and thus becomes a stereotype himself, that of the hard boiled detective, hence the Deckard as Replicant plot twist. The film ceases to exist as a Film Noir, but instead becomes a film very much about Film Noir. Thus the misogyny that is present only exists in terms of the post modern representation. It could be argued that it is not women that Deckard is destroying, but the very stereotypes that critics claim the film is creating. Blade Runner seems to be a reaction to, and not a celebration of, Film Noir.

Neale points out that one of the differences between the Replicants and the humans seems to be that of race. The Replicants are all occidental, whereas the "real people" are a mix of occidental, and oriental. This helps to further define what Blade Runner is examining. The films it refers to are definitely the white American, the films of Hollywood.

The post modernist concept within Blade Runner tends to alter the emphasis of the film considerably, and also allows various parts of the film to make a great deal of sense. The way in which Deckard is repeatedly castrated by both male and female Replicants seems to suggest that the key battle is, as stated before, not between male and female, but between that which is human, and that which is non-human, or to put it more simply, that which is real and that which is not real. The archaic mother imagery signifies his battle against the Film Noir archetype he is in danger of becoming, and not any genuine maternal figure. As Neale states, often in fantasy films the commonplace differences between male and female or black and white often become negligible within themselves, and are effectively transformed into more considerable differences. Blade Runner provides a prime example of this, in that it is the difference between real and unreal, in fact the difference between cinema and real life, that is the focus.

In conclusion then, Blade Runner seems not to be as misogynist as it at first appears. Instead, what the film does is use abjection in relation to the archaic mother, and the fear of losing one's identity to the archaic mother, to examine the relationship, conflict and fascination the real have with the unreal, or the cinematic.
 
Gun Control: Myths and Realities
by David Lampo

David Lampo is the publications director at the Cato Institute.

The number of well-publicized public shootings during the past few years, especially the tragedy at Columbine High School, has re-energized the gun control movement. As a show of strength, a coalition of gun control groups has organized a "Million Mom March" to be held in Washington, D.C. on Mother's Day, an event designed to stir up emotions rather than promote rational thought. And when one looks at the facts about gun control, it's easy to see why the anti-gun lobby relies on emotion rather than logic to make its case.

Think you know the facts about gun control? If your only source of information is the mainstream media, what you think you know may not be correct. Take the quiz below and test your knowledge.

1. Thousands of children die annually in gun accidents.

False. Gun accidents involving children are actually at record lows, although you wouldn't know it from listening to the mainstream media. In 1997, the last year for which data are available, only 142 children under 15 years of age died in gun accidents, and the total number of gun-related deaths for this age group was 642. More children die each year in accidents involving bikes, space heaters or drownings. The often repeated claim that 12 children per day die from gun violence includes "children" up to 20 years of age, the great majority of whom are young adult males who die in gang-related violence.

2. Gun shows are responsible for a large number of firearms falling into the hands of criminals.

False. Contrary to President Clinton's claims, there is no "gun show loophole." All commercial arms dealers at gun shows must run background checks, and the only people exempt from them are the small number of non-commercial sellers. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, at most 2 percent of guns used by criminals are purchased at gun shows, and most of those were purchased legally by people who passed background checks.

3. The tragedy at Columbine High School a year ago illustrates the deficiencies of current gun control laws.

False. Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold violated close to 20 firearms laws in amassing their cache of weapons (not to mention the law against murder), so it seems rather dubious to argue that additional laws might have prevented this tragedy. The two shotguns and rifle used by Harris and Klebold were purchased by a girlfriend who would have passed a background check, and the TEC-9 handgun used by them was already illegal.

4. States that allow registered citizens to carry concealed weapons have lower crime rates than those that don't.

True. The 31 states that have "shall issue" laws allowing private citizens to carry concealed weapons have, on average, a 24 percent lower violent crime rate, a 19 percent lower murder rate and a 39 percent lower robbery rate than states that forbid concealed weapons. In fact, the nine states with the lowest violent crime rates are all right-to-carry states. Remarkably, guns are used for self-defense more than 2 million times a year, three to five times the estimated number of violent crimes committed with guns.

5. Waiting periods lower crime rates.

False. Numerous studies have been conducted on the effects of waiting periods, both before and after the federal Brady bill was passed in 1993. Those studies consistently show that there is no correlation between waiting periods and murder or robbery rates. Florida State University professor Gary Kleck analyzed data from every U.S. city with a population over 100,000 and found that waiting periods had no statistically significant effect. Even University of Maryland anti-gun researcher David McDowell found that "waiting periods have no influence on either gun homicides or gun suicides."

6. Lower murder rates in foreign countries prove that gun control works.

False. This is one of the favorite arguments of gun control proponents, and yet the facts show that there is simply no correlation between gun control laws and murder or suicide rates across a wide spectrum of nations and cultures. In Israel and Switzerland, for example, a license to possess guns is available on demand to every law-abiding adult, and guns are easily obtainable in both nations. Both countries also allow widespread carrying of concealed firearms, and yet, admits Dr. Arthur Kellerman, one of the foremost medical advocates of gun control, Switzerland and Israel "have rates of homicide that are low despite rates of home firearm ownership that are at least as high as those in the United States." A comparison of crime rates within Europe reveals no correlation between access to guns and crime.

The basic premise of the gun control movement, that easy access to guns causes higher crime, is contradicted by the facts, by history and by reason. Let's hope more people are catching on.
 
awesome article Fly!

The movie Pushing Tin was based on that article. :eek: I used to want to be an air traffic controller after reading that but then realized that I don't like sitting at a computer for eight hours a day, even if I'm doing something fast-paced and exciting.
 
The movie Pushing Tin was based on that article. :eek: I used to want to be an air traffic controller after reading that but then realized that I don't like sitting at a computer for eight hours a day, even if I'm doing something fast-paced and exciting.
i've considered trying that too but i'm not sure i wouldn't crack under the stress. i do love sitting in front of a computer though, and 59 minutes of boredom followed by one of sheer terror pretty much sums up how i like to live.
 
You're the flight surgeon working at aviation sick call one afternoon when a radiology technician comes into your office with a chest x-ray she just developed that "just doesn't look right." The clinic's radiologist has left for the day and is not available to review the film. The tech tells you that the patient was sent over by her squadron flight surgeon to have thoracic spine films prior to evaluation by a chiropractor for chronic thoracic back pain. No other history is provided. You look at the film.


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1. What do you tell the radiology technician?

a) Smugly tell her this is a normal anatomical variant.
b) Ask her to send the patient to you right away so you can take a more complete history.
c) Tell her to send the patient to the chiropractor so they can treat the patient.
d) Have her page the radiologist for an urgent reading of the film.

ANSWER/DISCUSSION

1. B. The radiology technician brings the patient to your office. She is a 42-yr-old black female. She tells you she is feeling pretty well except that she has been suffering from mid back pain intermittently for the last 3 yr since she was involved in a minor traffic accident. Otherwise she has no complaints.

You ask her if she has any history of stomach problems, and she reports that 7 mo ago she underwent a procedure to "open up my esophagus because stuff was getting caught." She tells you that she had been doing well, but recently had noted some difficulty swallowing. Unfortunately, the patient is a poor historian and presents without her medical record, but you note that her esophagus is markedly dilated and contains what appears to be solid and liquid contents with a clear air-fluid level noted on the frontal film.



2. What items would you include in your differential diagnosis?
a) Scleroderma.
b) Chagas' disease.
c) Achalasia.
d) Esophageal carcinoma.
e) All of the above and then some.

ANSWER/DISCUSSION

2. E. Causes of esophageal dilation on radiograph can be broadly categorized as anatomic or functional obstructions. Diagnoses resulting from anatomic obstructions include neoplasms, such as adenocarcinoma, squamous cell carcinoma, or even metastases, or strictures, which can result from past surgeries or chronic reflux. In these cases, esophageal motility is generally preserved and dilation of the esophagus is a late finding.

Conditions associated with functional obstruction are achalasia, scleroderma, and Chagas' disease. These conditions result from underlying motility problems and can result in dramatic dilation of the esophagus. Achalasia and Chagas' disease appear essentially identical with the most classic finding being a "bird beak" deformity at the lower esophageal sphincter (LES) resulting from failure of the LES to relax. A widened mediastinum, esophageal air-fluid level, and absence of the gastric air bubble may also be observed. An infiltrate of the left lower lung lobe can be seen as well if aspiration has occurred. Scleroderma is associated with smooth muscle atrophy, which results in a wide LES with free reflux.

With this differential in mind, you ask the patient further questions. She denies a history of tobacco or alcohol use and denies any travel outside the United States. Review of systems is positive for difficulty swallowing solid foods and liquids and halitosis. She also complains of vague chest and back discomfort associated with meals, which she alleviates by "sitting up very straight." She reluctantly admits to occasionally regurgitating food without meaning to. She denies any recent weight loss, heartburn, shortness of breath, or chronic cough. She denies cough at night, but admits to sleeping propped up with pillows for comfort. She denies any family history of gastrointestinal problems.



3. What diagnosis do you suspect given the additional information?
a) Chagas' disease.
b) Esophageal stricture.
c) Achalasia.
d) Bulimia.

ANSWER/DISCUSSION

3. C. As noted above, radiographic findings associated with Chagas' disease and achalasia are virtually identical. However, Chagas' disease is the consequence of damage to esophageal ganglion cells secondary to a neurotoxin produced by infection with Trypanosoma cruzi, a protozoa endemic to South America. This diagnosis is highly unlikely in a patient with no history of travel outside the United States.
Esophageal stricture can be associated with dysphagia to solid foods, but difficulty swallowing liquids is less common. Furthermore, this patient denies pyrosis and admits to relief of her symptoms with postural maneuvers, which is not typical of mechanical obstruction of the esophagus.
Achalasia is rare with an incidence of only 1-2 per 200,000. It affects men and women equally and tends to present in the third to fifth decades. The cause is unknown and there is no evidence of genetic predisposition. The hallmark of achalasia is dysphagia and while not all patients present with dysphagia to liquids and solids, this symptom can be useful in differentiating between mechanical obstructions and achalasia. Regurgitation is very common and need not be provoked. Although some patients will provoke regurgitation to relieve symptoms, the clear radiographic findings in this patient should not allow her condition to be mistaken for bulimia. Although pulmonary symptoms associated with aspiration can be seen with achalasia, the majority of patients do not present with pulmonary symptoms.



4. What do you do next:
a) Obtain an esophagram.
b) Consult a gastroenterologist.
c) Reassure the patient and have her follow up if her symptoms become more pronounced.
d) E-mail the other flight surgeon and inform him that he owes you lunch since he is flying while you are caring for his patient.

ANSWER/DISCUSSION
4. A and B. Further radiological studies can be useful in solidifying the diagnosis. An esophagram is particularly useful because it can demonstrate the classic "bird beak" deformity as well as persistent failure of the LES to relax and prolonged retention of barium in the esophagus even in an upright patient. Dilation of the esophagus will be observed, particularly in the distal esophagus. The proximal esophagus may appear normal.

Specialist consultation is also indicated. Endoscopy is useful both to rule out other conditions and to assess the extent of disease. Pseudoachalasia can result from invasion of lung cancer into the neural plexus and must be ruled out by endoscopy in smokers presenting with achalasia. Definitive diagnosis is enhanced by manometry showing hypertension at the LES with aperistalsis of the esophagus. Because this patient reported a history of treatment within the past year by a local specialist, he was contacted and confirmed a preexisting diagnosis of idiopathic achalasia. He requested an esophagram, which confirmed achalasia and revealed severe narrowing of the esophageal sphincter with a markedly dilated esophagus to 6 cm.



5. What treatment options are available to the patient?
a) Pharmacotherapy with smooth muscle relaxers.
b) Botulinum toxin injection.
c) Esophageal dilation.
d) Surgical myotomy.
e) All of the above.

ANSWER/DISCUSSION
5. E. Treatment of achalasia consists of palliative treatment of symptoms. Patients with mild symptoms and no radiographic evidence of disease can be treated conservatively. However, in this patient, there is evidence of advanced disease with marked dilation of the esophagus. Although treatments will generally not result in the restoration of normal peristalsis, reduction of pressure at the LES can enhance esophageal emptying and reduce symptoms.

Pharmacotherapy focuses on relaxation of the LES with nitrates or calcium channel blockers. These medications are generally safe and can quickly reduce symptoms in up to 70% of patients. They are ideally used in short-acting preparations immediately prior to meals. Sublingual preparations are preferred as delayed esophageal emptying can reduce absorption of oral medications. Although they are typically well tolerated, they can cause hypotension and bothersome side effects. Furthermore, they have little effect on esophageal emptying, resulting in poor long-term results and no reduction in esophageal dilation.

Botulinum toxin injection also serves as a short-term palliative treatment. Reduced LES tone can last for up to 1 yr following injection of the toxin, but similar to pharmacotherapeutic agents, esophageal emptying is not enhanced. This treatment is generally well tolerated, but can result in fibroinflammatory changes at the LES, which can complicate future attempts at surgical treatment.
Esophageal dilation by pneumatic dilation can provide more permanent relief of symptoms of achalasia. Up to 60% of patients have good results at 5 yr. Because of the duration of relief of symptoms, dilation is more cost effective than previously discussed treatments. However, perforation can be a serious complication associated with this treatment. Perforation occurs in only 3-5% of dilations, and small perforations that do not result in signs of sepsis, shock, or hemorrhage can be treated conservatively. Repeated dilation is a viable treatment, but efficacy rates are reduced by half in patients who have previously failed dilation as in the case of this patient.

Surgical myotomy either by open thoracotomy or by minimally invasive technique is a successful and durable treatment. These treatments provide the best response, resulting in an initial response of up to 90%. The most common complication is resultant gastroesophageal reflux, which occurs in about 10% of patients. Myotomy can be combined with antireflux procedures such as fundoplication to reduce the incidence of reflux. Surgical myotomy is likely the best treatment option for this patient in light of her lack of comorbidities and failure of previous dilation.



6. How would you address this patient if she were in a flight status?
a) Permanently ground her.
b) Give her an upchit returning her to flight status because she's minimally symptomatic.
c) Ground her pending surgical treatment, but assure her a waiver is possible.
d) Defer your decision pending further treatment.

ANSWER/DISCUSSION
6. D. The U.S. Navy Aeromedical Waiver Guide does not specifically address achalasia. Surgical repair of hiatal hernia is considered disqualifying, but may be waivered once asymptomatic in 30 d following surgery if cleared by the operating surgeon. U.S. Air Force Instruction 48-123, Medical Examination and Standards, Appendix 7, specifically addresses achalasia as a disease of the esophagus as well as referencing symptomatic esophageal motility disorders. Both conditions are considered disqualifying for all flight classes and require individual waiver requests. The FAA aeromedical examiners guide also does not specifically address achalasia. However, any gastrointestinal diagnosis not specifically addressed which could result in sudden or subtle incapacitation must be fully evaluated and all pertinent medical information be submitted to the FAA for final decision.

Because this patient is a good surgical candidate it is reasonable to await the outcome of treatment to make a final decision. Clearly by all standards, this patient would require a waiver to return to flight status. Depending on the outcome of surgery, reduced LES tone and resulting reflux could present additional barriers to flight status, particularly -Gz flight. Barring any surgical complications, a waiver to fly non-tactical aircraft would seem reasonable in an asymptomatic patient as the likelihood of sudden or unnoticed incapacitation is minimal. Discussion with waiver authority would be prudent in any case of achalasia. This patient underwent minimally invasive myotomy without complications and is pending follow-up.

O'neal EL. You're the flight surgeon: an unusual radiographic finding in a patient with back pain. Aviat Space Environ Med 2006; 77:873-5.

Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Theodore Schafer, CDR, MC, USN, for his assistance with this article. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Navy, Department of Defense, or the United States Government.
 
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LONDON, England (Reuters) -- British businesses are losing more than 50 million pounds ($100 million) a year because of employees leaving work early on Friday, according to a survey published on Friday.

Excuses such as a long lunch and a doctor's appointment are being used to start the weekend early.

The top excuses for starting the weekend early are a long lunch, doctor's appointment and an out-of-office meeting near to home.

"Our evidence suggests that more and more workers are seeing Friday afternoon as an unofficial holiday," said Pam Rogerson, head of personnel at Employersafe.

"We have estimated that this is costing British business just over 50 million pounds a year, which all goes to form part of the overall 13 billion pound ($26 billion) cost of workplace absenteeism."

The company has developed a software system which detects patterns of absence and recommends appropriate disciplinary action.

Employersafe also said the "Friday Feeling" trend has been reinforced by motoring organisations which report that the Friday rush hour now starts around noon.

Research by the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) suggested earlier this year that managers believe one in eight of all workplace absences are due to staff faking illness - and the favourite days to do so are Fridays or Mondays.
 
LONDON, England (Reuters) -- British businesses are losing more than 50 million pounds ($100 million) a year because of employees leaving work early on Friday, according to a survey published on Friday.

Excuses such as a long lunch and a doctor's appointment are being used to start the weekend early.

The top excuses for starting the weekend early are a long lunch, doctor's appointment and an out-of-office meeting near to home.

"Our evidence suggests that more and more workers are seeing Friday afternoon as an unofficial holiday," said Pam Rogerson, head of personnel at Employersafe.

"We have estimated that this is costing British business just over 50 million pounds a year, which all goes to form part of the overall 13 billion pound ($26 billion) cost of workplace absenteeism."

The company has developed a software system which detects patterns of absence and recommends appropriate disciplinary action.

Employersafe also said the "Friday Feeling" trend has been reinforced by motoring organisations which report that the Friday rush hour now starts around noon.

Research by the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) suggested earlier this year that managers believe one in eight of all workplace absences are due to staff faking illness - and the favourite days to do so are Fridays or Mondays.

if you're in a non-critical/non-support position at turner, you get to leave at 3 every friday for the whole summer...they do this every year...those who have to stay(me) get 3 extra days off, which I'm currently using up right now
 
Dear Cecil:

I was watching an episode of Nature on PBS about sea turtles, and at one point the narrator mentioned vast deposits of methane at the bottom of the ocean in solid form. Then he gave some vague warning that the warming oceans may unleash all this methane into the atmosphere. What's the straight dope on methane lurking beneath the sea? Will it give us an energy-independent utopia or burn us all to a crisp? — Ndevir, via e-mail

Cecil replies:

Right now I'd say things could go either way. That's what makes living in the 21st century fun.

What we're talking about are the strange crystals called methane hydrates, in which molecules of methane (the main component of natural gas) are trapped inside tiny cages of ice. The result is an icelike substance that contains up to 15 percent methane by volume. First observed in the 1800s, methane hydrates were initially regarded mainly as a nuisance that formed in cold natural-gas pipelines. In 1964, however, a Siberian gas rig discovered a large methane hydrate deposit underground, spurring research on whether such deposits could be a good source of natural gas. Deep-sea exploration turned up even greater deposits in the oceans, and with the rise of natural-gas prices and the push to reduce carbon dioxide emissions, methane hydrates are now getting serious attention in the energy industry.

Although it's still a fossil fuel, methane when burned releases much less carbon dioxide than coal or oil per unit of heat. What's more, using technology already in hand, we can strip the carbon out of methane and produce hydrogen, which burns without releasing any carbon dioxide at all. (Granted, the stripping process produces some CO2, so we'd have to figure a way to sequester that.) How much methane is locked in hydrates is uncertain, but researchers from British Petroleum and Texas A&M estimate world underwater reserves at 35 to 177 quadrillion cubic feet. Given that proven world reserves of conventional natural gas amount to just 6 quadrillion cubic feet, even at the low end of the range we're talking about a lot of gas.

Just a couple problems. The first is that no one has figured out how to extract hydrated methane economically, although several countries have research efforts under way. The second is that while methane hydrate is stable as long as it's kept cold and under pressure, vast amounts of methane could be suddenly released into the atmosphere under certain circumstances — for example, if a rise in sea temperature due to, say, global warming caused shallow deposits of methane hydrate to melt. We don't want that to happen, because methane is a potent greenhouse gas. Some believe a methane hydrate release 251 million years ago contributed to the Permian extinction, the largest mass die-off in earth's history, when perhaps 95 percent of all species on the planet were wiped out. And the Late Paleocene Thermal Maximum — a severe temperature spike, possibly triggered by a Caribbean volcanic eruption or even a comet impact, that coincided with another mass extinction 55 million years ago — may have been compounded by a similar release of undersea methane.

Yet another concern with methane hydrates is the danger of massive underwater landslides. When methane hydrate is mixed with sediment on the ocean floor, it prevents the sediment from solidifying properly and leads to instability. Undersea slides are dangerous for two reasons: they can release methane into the atmosphere, already established as a bad thing, and they can cause tsunamis. Methane hydrates may have been behind the Storegga landslide under the North Sea 8,000 years ago that sent a 13-foot tsunami crashing into the coast of Scotland. Scars from underwater slumps along the coasts of the United States are suspected to be the result of dips in sea level disturbing hydrate-rich sediment 20,000 years back. There's not much we can do about naturally occurring landslides, but a few people think that messing with the hydrates via mining is asking for trouble in the form of tsunamis, sea floor subsidence, and damage to underwater cables. There's also the environmental impact to consider. In 1997 scientists found centipedelike critters living in hydrate deposits in the Gulf of Mexico, so get ready for the Greenpeace campaign to save the ice worms.

Other problems arising from a methane release can be faintly comical but still hazardous. Ever been embarrassed as a kid when bubbles in the bathtub revealed you'd let one go? Scale that up a few orders of magnitude and embarrassment would be the least of your worries. While tales of gas bubbles in the Black Sea upending ships and drilling rigs are surely apocryphal, in 2000 a sunken fishing trawler was found at the center of a huge gas eruption site in the North Sea. (Yes, I thought of the Bermuda Triangle too.) You may not have heard much about methane hydrate before now, but odds are you will.

—CECIL ADAMS
 
The North Sea Basin has turned out to be a magnificent natural laboratory for studying the diagenesis of siliciclastic sediments. Today it is at the forefront of research which is the result of the successful collaboration between the oil industry and academia. The seeds of this success were simple. The enormous cost of hydrocarbon exploration and production in the North Sea encouraged the industry to seek urgently advances in many of their procedures including the prediction of reservoir quality and the techniques for measuring it. What better places are there than universities to generate original and unpredictable ideas and solutions to problems?

Maturity has recently overtaken the North Sea Oil province, and the frenzy of frontier oil exploration has moved to other parts of the world. There are still economically viable hydrocarbon reserves sufficient to supply our needs for many decades. At this turning point in the history of North Sea oil exploration, it is important to review what has been learnt about hydrocarbon reservoirs, and how best to proceed in the future both for the benefit of the oil industry and for their scientific study.

Against this backcloth, the Clay Minerals Group of the Mineralogical Society embarked on two projects. The first, in collaboration with the PESGB, the London Petrophysical Society and the Geological Society, was to arrange the sixth Cambridge Diagenesis Conference (1998) to encourage researchers to put forward their new ideas and research, and to review and synthesize their previous findings against the regional geological background. The second and longer term project,sponsored by the Clay Minerals Group, JAPEC (Training) and the Mineralogical Society, is to bring together in book form what we know about the clay mineralogy and diagenesis of the siliciclastic sediments of the North Sea Basin and onshore UK.

The sixth Cambridge Conference produced a record number (42) of presentations; 24 are published in this special issue of Clay Minerals, and these can be subdivided into five groups. The first deals with new concepts and reviews of regional importance in understanding reservoir quality in the North Sea and elsewhere (microbial effects, Spark et al.; surface temperature/diagenetic reaction rates, Worden et al.; patterns of volcanic ash/diagenetic minerals, Jeans et al.; geochemical modelling of arkosic sandstone alteration, Barclay & Worden; regional variations of d13C values in calcite cements, Macaulay et al.; facies and provenance controls, Ramm).

It is already clear that two of these contributions may in the future influence considerably our understanding of reservoir quality. Spark et al.'s demonstration of the widespread occurrence of thermophyllic bacteria in pristine, high-temperature reservoirs is likely to alter fundamentally our approach to interpreting the development of reservoirs. The idea that microbial action is of importance in influencing mineral reactions at earth surface temperatures during deposition and early diagenesis has been around since at least the 1930s (e.g. Bavendamm, 1932; Berner, 1968). It is only recently that the possibility has been put forward that thermophyllic microbes may play an important role in influencing mineral reactions in deeply buried sediments at temperatures equivalent to the lowest grades of metamorphism (e.g. Jeans, 1984; Jeans et al., 1997).

In the development of reservoirs two scenarios are possible. There could be continuous microbial influenced mineral reactions throughout the evolution of a reservoir with the bacterial population changing with varying temperature and nutrient supply. Alternatively, microbial influence could be intermittent, with the bacteria hibernating as nano-bacteria during adverse conditions. Worden et al. have considered the possibility that major changes in the Earth's surface temperature may play an important role in controlling the rates of diagenetic reaction, not only at the surface, but deep in the subsurface. Their modelling suggests that with temperature variations (208C) based on a half million year timescale, about one quarter to one third of the surface temperature variation is propagated to a depth of 2500 m. With shorter periodicities, the same surface temperature variation would be propagated to no more than 1000 m depth. Such temperature effects could be associated with fourth-order relative sea level changes, and would be particularly effective in controlling the development of early minerals cements, such as those originating from unstable parental materials such as bioclastic silica, volcanic ash and aragonite shell material.

The second group of papers concentrates on the carbonate cements associated with specific siliciclastic reservoirs, predominantly from the North Sea (Frontier Formation, Wyoming (USA), Dutton et al.; Montrose Formation, Wilkinson et al.; microbial siderite precipitation, Brent Group, Stewart et al.; overpressure carbonate cementation, Everest Complex, Conybeare & Shaw).

The third group deals with silicate cements in specific reservoirs and sediments, mainly from the North Sea (Devonian-Carboniferous clay mineralogy, Pay et al.; rates of smectite illitization, Niigata Basin (Japan), Niu & Ishida; nano-silica in chalk, Jakobsen et al.; the Sleipner effect, Nadeau; inhibited quartz cementation, Miller Field, Marchand et al.; testing geochemical diagenetic models, Greater Alwyn Field, Durand et al.; timing of diagenesis, Viking Graben, Midtbù et al.; mineral authigenesis in a continental scale fluid conduit, Ontario (Canada), Ziegler & Longstaffe).

Two papers on the development of specific mineral textures comprise the fourth group. Aagaard et al. describe the experimental formation of extensive grain-coating chlorite cements in a Jurassic sandstone. The complex illite textures exhibited by the Permian Rotliegend gas reservoirs in N. Germany are demonstrated by Liewig & Clauer using K-Ar dating, to represent different phases of precipitation and recrystallization.

The fifth group of papers discusses advances in various analytical methods neutron diffraction for high pressure clay/water interaction, Skipper et al.; quantitative mineral analysis by XRD, Hillier; natural scale of variation in S isotopes, McConville et al.; laser-based stable isotope measurements, Macaulay et al.).

Of the various topics discussed at the sixth Cambridge Conference, there was only one that is not represented in this issue of Clay Minerals - structural controls on reservoir quality. Recent papers (e.g. Jeans 1994; Fisher & Knipe, 1998;Fisher et al., 1999, 2000) demonstrate the importance of recognizing these effects during detailed examination of reservoir rocks or when attempting to predict their quality in the subsurface. Most structural control is unrelated to the sediment itself, but there are some structural effects, such as the syneresis polygonal fault systems that may be intrinsically associated with smectite-rich sediments (Dewhurst et al., 1999) - such systems may be comparable in general form, but not in scale, to the network of cracks associated with septarian nodules such as described by Astin (1986).

REFERENCES

Astin T.R. (1986) Septarian crack formation in carbonate concretions from shales and mudstones. Clay Miner. 21, 617-631.

Bavendamm W. (1932) Die mikrobiologische Kalkfallung in der tropische See. Arch. Mikrobiol. 3, 205-276.

Berner R.A. (1968) Calcium carbonate concretions formed by the decomposition of organic matter. Science, 159, 195-197.

Dewhurst D.N., Cartwright J.A. & Lonergan L. (1999) The development of polygonal fault systems by syneresis of colloidal sediments. Marine Petrol.
Geol. 16, 793-810.

Fisher Q.J. & Knipe R.J. (1998) Fault sealing processes in siliciclastic sediments. Pp. 117-134 in: Faulting, Fault-sealing and Fluid Flow in Hydrocarbon Reservoirs (G. Jones, Q.J. Fisher & R.J. Knipe, editors). Geological Society London, Spec. Publ. 147.

Fisher Q.J., Casey M., Clennell M.B. & Knipe R.J. (1999) Mechanical compaction of deeply buried sandstones of the North Sea. Marine Petrol. Geol.
16, 605-618.

Fisher Q.J., Knipe R.J. & Worden R. (2000) Microstructures of deformed and non-deformed sandstones from the North Sea. Pp. 129-146 in: Quartz Cementation in Oil Field Sandstones (R.H. Worden & S. Morad, editors). Spec. Publ. Int. Assoc. Sedimentol. 29. Blackwell, Oxford, UK.

Jeans C.V. (1984) Patterns of mineral diagenesis. Clay Miner. 19, 264.

Jeans C.V. (1994) Clay diagenesis, overpressure and reservoir quality: an introduction. Clay Miner. 29, 415-424.

Jeans C.V., Fallick A.E., Fisher M.J., Merriman R.J., Corfield R.M. & Manighetti B. (1997) Clay - and zeolite-bearing sediments at Kaka Point, New Zealand: evidence of microbially influenced mineral formation from earliest diagenesis into the lowest grades of metamorphism. Clay Miner. 32, 373-423.
 
SOUTH DAKOTA LAST MEAL
ELIJAH PAGE
July 11, 2007

...It was South Dakota's first execution in 60 years...

Last Meal: Page had a final meal request of steak with A-1 sauce, jalapeno poppers with cream sauce, onion rings, and a salad with cherry tomatoes, ham chunks, shredded cheese, bacon bits, and blue cheese and ranch dressing. He wanted lemon iced tea and coffee to drink and ice cream for dessert.

The skinny: Page, 25, was executed for the torturing and killing a 19-year-old man following a robbery.

It was South Dakota's first execution in 60 years.

More skinny: Page and two other young men were convicted of killing a 19-year old "friend," near the town of Spearfish in the rural west of South Dakota.

The victim was kidnapped at gunpoint, then tortured for almost 3 hours before his death. He was forced to drink acid, repeatedly kicked and beaten, stabbed in the head and torso, and forced to remove his clothing in an icy creek.

His body was not found until a month later.

Upon his arrest in Texas, Page admitted his involvement in the murder. Page later pled guilty, received a death sentence, and waived appeals.

Accomplice Briley Piper, age 19, also pled guilty and was sentenced to death. Accomplice Darrell Hoadley, age 20, is serving a sentence of life without parole.

Last words and such: Asked if he had any last words, Page replied, "No." Asked if he understood the question Page responded, "Yes, no last words."

Factoids: Page was the...

30th murderer executed in U.S. in 2007
1087th murderer executed in U.S. since 1976
1st murderer executed in South Dakota in 2007
1st murderer executed in South Dakota since 1976

It was the first execution in South Dakota since 1947 when another convicted murderer died in the electric chair. Before Wednesday, there had been only 15 executions in the state, the first occurring in 1877 when Jack McCall was hanged for shooting Wild Bill Hickok in the back of the head as he played poker at a saloon in Deadwood when the state was still a territory. Hickok was said to have been holding eights and aces -- poker's "dead man's hand."

Executions are rare in South Dakota because of its sparse population. At about 780,000, it ranks 46th among the 50 states.

Besides Page, there were only three other men on South Dakota's death row, including one of his co-defendants.

Several demonstrators -- both for and against the death penalty -- were set up in a grassy area at the penitentiary.

In the hour before the execution, as the sun went down and the sky got pink behind the razor wire of the penitentiary, the demonstrators and media members grew quiet for a few moments in anticipation.

Near 9:30 p.m., a young woman played “Amazing Grace” on the bagpipes. Groups huddled in prayer, a rosary chorus of “Pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death” piercing the din as the sun set hazy on the horizon. A car whizzed past and its passenger interjected, “I’ll pay for the electric bill!”

By 10 p.m., there were 100 people opposing the death penalty and 10 supporting it.


Of the 38 states that have death penalty statutes since capital punishment was reinstated in 1976, only four now have not executed anybody, according to the Death Penalty Information Center, a nonprofit organization based in Washington, D.C. Those states are Kansas, New Hampshire, New Jersey and New York.
 
Human Mobility in Roman Italy, II: The Slave Population

Wlter Scheidel


In the first part of this study, I attempted a quantitative reconstruction of migratory flows within the free population of Roman Italy from the early Republic to the early Principate. Imperialism was the driving force behind these movements. The same is true of coerced transfers that complemented voluntary relocations. The transfer of slaves to Italy was ultimately a function of Roman imperialism, either directly, via military operations, or indirectly, via the accumulation of capital at the imperial core and the expansion of markets across the regions under Roman influence. In this paper, I seek to delineate the build-up of the Italian slave population. Any attempt to quantify this process faces serious obstacles. Literary references to the number of slaves netted in various campaigns convey a sense of magnitude but are ultimately useless for establishing long-term totals. Once again, only a parametric model can shed light on this issue. It must revolve around two variables: the probable number of slaves in Roman Italy, and the demographic structure of the servile population. In Section i, I critique existing estimates of slave totals and propose a new ‘bottom-up’ approach. Section ii offers a discussion of the probable sex ratio, mortality regime, and family structure of the Italian slaves, followed by new estimates of the scale of slave transfers in Section iii. According to my reconstruction, the total number of slaves in Roman Italy never exceeded one or at most one-and-a-half million. This population had been created by the influx of anywhere between two and four million slaves during the last two centuries b.c. Thus, while the servile element of the Italian population appears to have been significantly smaller than previously thought, the volume of the slave trade very probably exceeded the overall incidence of voluntary migration in that region.

I. The Number of Slaves In Roman Italy

In the opening chapter of his Inquiry into the State of Slavery amongst the Romans; from the Earliest Period, till the Establishment of the Lombards in Italy of 1833, William Blair asserts that ‘we may conjecture, with a prospect of tolerable accuracy, that the proportion of three slaves to one freeman is sufficiently low for the period between the conquest of Greece ... and the reign of Alexander Severus . . . This would make the entire population of Italy, under Claudius, amount to — free, 6,944,000 — slaves, 20,832,000 — total, 27,776,000’. Seven years later, Dureau de la Malle’s Économie politique des Romains dismissed Blair’s figure as mere speculation that failed to take account of the carrying capacity of ancient Italy, and proceeded to argue that in 225 b.c. Italy was home to 2,665,805 freeborn, 50,000 freedmen, and 2,262,677 slaves and aliens. Even today, this debate is not as remote and irrelevant as it may seem. At first sight, and notwithstanding the bizarre precision of this figure, an estimate of 2,262,677 slaves and aliens appears vastly superior to one of over twenty million. However, unlike Dureau de la Malle, who primarily reasoned from putative carrying capacity (and thus aimed to ‘fill up’ a seemingly underpopulated countryside with a plausible number of slaves), Blair — however ineptly — took a more sensible route by seeking to extrapolate the extent of slave-ownership from putative demand. Unfortunately, Dureau de la Malle’s approach carried the day. It is true that in 1886, Beloch still laboured hard to keep up the pretence that his slave total of two million — simply one-third of his Italian population of six million — was somehow derived from ancient evidence. Brunt, who has no trouble demolishing this extraordinarily flimsy construct, avoids the hazards of specious manipulation of inadequate source material by proposing an estimate for Augustan Italy that does not purport to be based on any evidence at all: ‘In my view we could put the number of slaves at about 3,000,000, out of a total population of no more than 7,500,000. I ought to stress that I do not, by selective quotation, suppress some vital context that would justify this particular choice, for there is none. This figure is imposed top-down, for the single reason that ‘this hypothesis permits us to believe that the population of Italy had grown by 50 per cent since 225 b.c., though the increase was largely in the servile element’. Unencumbered by any independent analysis, this ‘hypothesis’ is a direct function of a particular estimate of the number of Roman citizens.

The notion that slaves accounted for one-third of a given historical population has long been popular in those cases in which the actual share of slaves is thought to be significant but is actually completely unknown. Brunt notes in passing that in the Antebellum South, one-third of the population consisted of slaves. More explicitly, Finley observes that ‘in 1860 the slaves made up 33% of the population of the southern states of the United States, a slightly lower percentage in Cuba and Brazil. On conservative estimates — 60,000 slaves in Athens at the end of the fifth century b.c., 2,000,000 in Italy at the end of the Republic — the comparable percentages are in precisely the same range, about 30 and 35%, respectively’. However, it may not be particularly surprising that modern estimates for Greece and Rome should fall in ‘precisely the same range’ as statistics for the Americas: if the former had in any way been influenced by the latter, comparisons of this kind would be circular in nature and incapable of corroborating anything. A recent article on slavery in late medieval Korea offers a rather unsettling parallel: ‘For lack of statistical data, it is impossible to calculate the extent of the enslaved population, but rough estimates suggest that at the beginning of the fifteenth century, slaves constituted about 30 per cent of the total population.’ Orlando Patterson, in his global comparative study of slavery, gathers a whole set of comparably shaky guesses favouring the same canonical proportion, from various West African societies all the way to South-East Asia. Under these circumstances, it seems almost inevitable to find a corresponding share of 35 per cent attributed to Egypt and Mesopotamia around 2300 b.c. as well. With time, such constructs come to be taken for granted, if only because they tend to go unchallenged. In truth, there is no way to infer overall Roman slave totals either from ancient sources or from carrying capacity. It is chastening to realize that studies published in 1833 and 1994 could refer to the same handful of texts as evidence of large-scale slave-holding among the Romans but accept dramatically different population estimates. Realistic slave tallies cannot be invented out of whole cloth but must be pieced together from local counts. In the absence of formal slave censuses in the Roman Empire outside Egypt, the best we can do is to simulate the aggregative procedure of deriving grand totals from their constituent elements, i.e. from the bottom up. While this method inevitably entails huge margins of uncertainty, it provides a much-needed independent check on free-floating topdown guesses.

Non-Agricultural Slavery

What was the demand for slave labour in urban and other non-agricultural contexts? On a conservative estimate for the late Republican and early imperial periods, some 500 to 600 senators and at least 20,000 city councillors lived in Italy. Some of the decurions were knights, while other equestrians resided in Rome. Mainly for want of evidence, I follow Jongman in reckoning with 5,000 knights in addition to 20,000 councillors. Averages of five domestic slaves for each decurion, of four times as many for each eques, and of four times as many again for each senator yield a total of at least 240,000 slaves. Given that these figures include slave women and children, they are best regarded as minima. Élite groups beyond the three ordines would have owned additional slaves. The extent of subélite slave-ownership is unclear. Comparative evidence documents a huge degree of variation: in the Antebellum South in 1860, 25 per cent of all slaves lived in units of one to nine slaves, compared to only 8.7 per cent in Jamaica in 1832. In the cities of Roman Middle Egypt, 14.6 per cent of the individuals recorded in surviving census returns were unfree, and about one-fifth of urban households owned slaves, most of them just one or two. If we apply the Egyptian rates to Italy, about 70,000 out of 350,000 urban households would have owned slaves. Given a non-slave urban population of about 1.4 to 1.6 million, the Egyptian ratio of 1 slave per 5.8 free would suggest the presence of 240,000 to 275,000 slaves in the cities of Roman Italy. On the general assumption that slave-ownership was likely to be more widespread in Italy than in Egypt, this can be no more than a minimum even for sub-élite strata. Imperial and municipal slaves must also be added but probably played a minor role. This indicates a minimum of around 500,000 non-farm slaves. Unless we assume that slave-ownership was a less vital element of Roman élite identity than usually believed, it is difficult to envision a significantly lower total. If anything, actual figures may have been higher. Even if Pedanius’ notorious 400 household slaves are a purely symbolic figure, some senators may well have owned more than 80 domestic slaves: the Younger Pliny’s provision for 100 of his freedmen is a good example. Some slave-owning sub-élite citizens and aliens would have had more than two slaves, and we must also allow for unfree craftsmen in urban businesses. I see no way to advance beyond controlled speculation. A doubling of the minimum estimates raises the total to fully one million slaves, more than Hopkins’ top-down guess of 800,000 for 28 b.c.

The metropolitan/non-metropolitan split likewise remains a matter of conjecture. If we schematically place all senatorial slaves, half of all equestrian slaves, and half of all subélite slaves in the capital, we arrive at approximately 220,000 to 440,000 slaves in Rome and 280,000 to 560,000 in the other cities. In the most general terms, the free population figures associated with the ‘low’ count would seem to favour estimates near the lower end of these ranges. Moreover, a more pronounced (and to my mind highly plausible) concentration of slave-ownership in the top ranks of Roman society would help redress the apparent imbalance between centre and periphery. I should stress that even within the parameters of my minimum estimates, each member of the first class could probably have owned slaves; slaveholding would have extended somewhat into the lower echelons of society; and, allowing for disproportionately high ownership of agricultural slaves among members of the top orders, the average senator could easily have owned hundreds of slaves, and the average knight, dozens. Higher totals might be possible but are actually unnecessary for the creation of a very slave-rich environment. Moreover, at least in the Principate, slaves did by no means come cheap. For computational purposes, I adopt subtotals of 300,000 slaves each for the capital and the other cities. These values are merely meant to provide a baseline for secondary calculations of the required scale of imports. In view of the orders of magnitude involved, reasonably close alternatives would not greatly affect final outcomes.

Agricultural Slavery

A bottom-up approach holds greater promise for agricultural slavery simply because slave numbers can be related to levels of production and demand. Jongman has recently made an excellent point about the relatively small amount of Italian farmland that could conceivably have been devoted to plantation-style arboriculture. Thus, 100,000 hectares of vineyards, or one per cent of cultivable land in Italy, could have produced enough wine to supply each of two million urban consumers with a hectolitre of wine per year, while a similar amount of land was sufficient to cover annual per capita consumption of twenty litres of olive oil in the same population. Thus, no amount of quibbling with details can alter the fundamental fact that, in terms of land use, the production of cash crops for the market must have been a marginal phenomenon. However, it is possible and indeed necessary to go one step further. Jongman neglects to relate his estimates to labour requirements. The lowest ratio of workers to land for vineyards documented in Roman sources assigns seven iugera to each slave. In this scenario, 57,000 slaves were needed to cultivate 100,000 hectares of vinetum. Higher ratios of eight or ten to one translate to lower totals of 40–50,000. Alternatively, if we believe Cato’s calculation that twenty-five hectares of vineyard could yield 3,300 litres of wine per hectare if worked by a staff of sixteen slaves that included supervisors and also produced their own food, 38,400 selfsufficient slaves on 60,000 hectares of land could have been enough to satisfy urban demand. However, his figure for yield seems on the high side, and may well refer to particularly favourable circumstances. Nevertheless, all these estimates converge in a range from about 40,000 to 60,000 slaves in the wine industry.

Various confounding variables merit consideration. On the one hand, not all of the wine consumed in Italian cities was produced by local slaves: some was imported, some may have been produced by smallholders. On the other hand, slaves also made wine for export, at least up into the early Principate. Prosperous farmers may have bought slave-made wine in the market, and the slaves themselves appear to have received some of it as well. To some extent, these factors cancel each other out. However, in order to establish a hypothetical maximum, we need to consider the logical implications of a concatenation of assumptions tailored to boost overall demand. If all of the wine consumed in the cities had been produced by slaves, rural demand for slave-made wine had equalled urban demand, and total exports had likewise equalled urban demand, the required labour force would treble in size, to 120,000 to 180,000 workers. Yet for a number of reasons, this estimate seems far too high. Exports of 200,000 tons of wine would mirror total grain imports to the city of Rome in terms of bulk as well as value. Free farmers must have produced at least some of their own wine (and olives). All in all, it seems hard to argue for a total in excess of 100,000 slave workers, at about twice the baseline figure. In the following, I use 50,000 and 100,000 as low- and high-end estimates for the contribution of (adult) slaves to viticulture.

Cato’s ratio of 21.7 slaves per 100 hectares of olive trees translates to about 22,000 workers to supply two million consumers. Because this kind of labour was highly seasonal and grain could be grown between the trees, these slaves were largely self sufficient. The same qualifications apply as before. For computational purposes, I use a range from 20,000 to 40,000 (adult) slaves in oleoculture.

At this point, it is already clear that even the high-end tally of 140,000 slaves in arboriculture does not come anywhere near the 1.2 million or more rural slaves of modern scholarship. What could the other million or million and a half have done to earn their keep? Two major upward corrections are feasible: our estimates of the number of workers may have to be raised considerably to account for slave children and perhaps even adult women who were excluded from the work ratios reported by Roman agronomists but were nevertheless present on large estates; and large numbers of slaves may have been involved in other kinds of agricultural activities.

On the unlikely assumption that the agricultural slave population of Roman Italy exhibited a ‘normal’ age and sex distribution, and only men aged, say, fifteen to sixty were considered proper workers, we would need to increase our estimates by as much as 235 per cent to cover women, children, and the elderly. However, the implied totals of 235,000 to 470,000 slaves are far too high. First of all, this scenario negates any possibility of manumission. Even if rural labourers were less likely to be freed than urban slaves, some attrition must have occurred. Second, slave fertility may well have fallen below replacement levels, which would have altered the ratio of children to adults. Third, and perhaps most important, it is not at all self-evident that only men could work in vineyards and olive groves. Comparative evidence from more recent slave societies strongly suggests that the degradation or ‘social death’ of chattel slavery readily trumps conventional cultural reservations against women’s involvement in field labour. Moreover, as I argue in Section ii, female slaves were probably sufficiently numerous to require active participation in production. Unfortunately, there is absolutely no way to estimate the probable share of women in the ‘core’ labour force of Roman wine and olive plantations. All we can say is that regardless of whether rural slavery was heavily dominated by adult men or large numbers of women were also present, the outcome remains the same: in the former case, the total number of slaves would not have greatly exceeded my initial estimates; in the latter, some of these women would have had to do farm labour in order to balance the books, and in doing so would have reduced the number of male slaves required to perform essential tasks. Either way, actual slave totals had to be much smaller than my hypothetical tallies of up to half a million. For example — and this is purely for the sake of illustration, if adult men had performed three-quarters of all work, and two-thirds as many women had covered the remaining quarter (i.e., at one-half of the male per capita rate), and the presence of children had corresponded to the proportion of adult females, and manumission had removed all elderly slaves, the grand total would have amounted to 13⁄4 times the minimum estimates, or 125,000 to 250,000 slaves altogether. In any case, no even remotely plausible adjustment can deliver the vast number of additional slaves presupposed by existing top-down guesses.
 
Pastio villatica, pasturage, and other rural industries such as wood-cutting, brickmaking, and mining would provide only limited employment for slaves. The scale of Italian cattle and sheep rearing should not be exaggerated, and did not require huge numbers of slaves: even if there had been as many sheep as people in Italy, they could have been tended by a few tens of thousands of shepherds. In addition, women and minors were heavily involved in this kind of work, thereby reducing the presence of non-essential slaves. Pastio villatica was particularly suitable for women and children, and would have provided work for slaves joined to adult men who were engaged in more physically demanding tasks. Finally, there is no need to suppose that lumberjacks were usually slaves. It seems unnecessary to assign more than 50,000 extra slaves to these sectors; yet even twice that number would not make a real difference to the grand total.

Grain farming alone could in theory have absorbed enough slaves to justify a much higher estimate. According to Columella, eight slaves (two ploughmen and six field labourers) could take care of fifty hectares of arable. Spurr has demonstrated that this arrangement would have kept them busy virtually year-round. Yields exclusive of seed may have ranged from thirteen to twenty tons of wheat or wheat equivalent. Reckoning with a computational mean of 16.9 tons and 3.3 tons of consumption by these slaves and two supervisors or other staff per eight workers, the net yield is 13.6 tons, or enough to feed sixty-eight people at 200 kg/year. Some of these consumers may have resided on the estate: if we doubled or trebled the number of slaves to account for women and children, those fifty hectares could still have supported between forty-eight and fifty-eight outsiders.

If all slaves in viticulture had been fed by grain produced by other slaves, not more than 3,250 km2 of arable farmed by 65,000 workers and staff (and occupied by up to another 150,000 slaves) would have been necessary to meet their demands. More plausible estimates range from 1,000 to 2,000 km2 with 20–40,000 workers and perhaps 50–100,000 slaves overall. Besides, some of this grain might have been bought from free farmers. Nonetheless, even the most extreme assumptions about rural slave numbers in various
sectors could not raise the grand total much beyond three-quarters of a million. As a consequence, it is simply impossible to argue that the Italian countryside was populated by over a million slaves, unless one also believes that slave labour dominated the urban grain supply. In fact, top-down guesses of two to three million slaves in Italy logically imply that the entire urban population outside the capital exclusively depended on slave-grown grain. In this case, aggregate demand for 200,000 tons of grain would have been met by 200,000 additional workers and staff, or up to 650,000 slaves including family members, for a new grand total of up to 1.4 million rural slaves. Nobody has ever advocated so extreme a scenario.

This is not to say that slave labour could not have played a significant role in arable cultivation. As Spurr and I have argued on previous occasions, slave labour was perfectly compatible with ‘rational’ market-oriented grain production. Columella in particular offers a variety of observations that betray his familiarity with large slave-staffed frumentaria. Moreover, according to the ‘low count’ reconstruction of Italian demography, the ratio of the gross non-metropolitan urban population to the rural free population may at least temporarily have dropped as low as one to two in part of the first century b.c. This would imply remarkably large grain surpluses among Italian farmers (or, perhaps more likely, urban residence of many farmers). One might argue that the ongoing shift from the countryside to the cities relieved pressure on arable land and led to improved land-to-labour ratios and productivity. Alternatively, or in addition, labourefficient slave-estates that benefited from economies of scale could easily have delivered large quantities of marketable staple foodstuffs such as grain and legumes. Unfortunately, we can only speculate about the size of their contribution. For a minimum estimate, I assume that 10 per cent of urban demand was covered by such enterprises, staffed by no more than 20,000 workers and supervisors and 40,000 slaves altogether. A high-end guess of one-half of urban supply and a larger share of non-workers yields up to 300,000 extra slaves in the countryside. Incidentally, the presence of a large number of grain-producing slaves in the Italian countryside would make it easier to counter Lo Cascio’s claim that the ‘low’ count is implausible because it does not allow for concurrent population growth in the urban and rural sectors of Roman Italy. In terms of per capita output, these slaves were functionally equivalent to a much larger number of family farmers. Therefore, their higher productivity could have offset the numerical decline of the free rural population in the late Republic.

A bottom-up perspective suggests that even under somewhat extreme assumptions, the rural slave population of Italy was highly unlikely to have exceeded one million. Defensible estimates range from a quarter-million to three-quarters of a million rural slaves. In the next section, I argue for a substantial presence of slave women and children, and moderate manumission rates. Therefore, I opt for an above-average baseline range of 500–700,000 for my discussion of the slave trade, with 600,000 as a computational mean. A smaller slave total would imply fewer women and children and also lower rates of natural reproduction that would, in turn, necessitate larger imports of new slaves. As I formally demonstrate in Section iii, relatively high fertility in a relatively large slave population and lower fertility among a smaller number of slaves generate similar inflow requirements. In consequence, my computations of overall transfer requirements are only mildly sensitive to the underlying estimates of slave numbers.

II The Demographic Structure of The Italian Slave Population

The age and sex distribution of the slave population of Roman Italy was a function of three factors: mortality, fertility, and migration. Fertility, in turn, was strongly determined by sex ratios and family structure. In order to estimate probable levels of immigration, we need to have some rough idea about the other two variables, as well as the size of the slave population.

Sex Ratios

We must distinguish between the sex ratios of the slave trade and of the target population. As a general rule of thumb, they tend to converge over time: while imports may consistently be skewed in favour of one sex, slave births will gradually move the overall ratio towards a balanced distribution. This process can unfold with considerable speed. To name just one example, despite the fact that two-thirds of the slaves shipped to North America were male, the servile sex ratio in South Carolina fell from 170 (i.e., 170 men per 100 women) in 1705 to 130 in 1775, and from 150 to 120 in Chesapeake in the same period. In a less fertile slave population, this process would take longer. Ever since the great Italian wars of the late fourth and early third centuries b.c., Roman imperialism had generated large and growing numbers of slaves. By the end of the Republican period, Roman chattel slavery had long been a massive and well-established institution. For purely mathematical reasons, it is therefore highly unlikely that by that time overall sex ratios had not gradually approached a balanced distribution regardless of the sex ratio of the slave trade. This point is of paramount importance for our understanding of any mature slave system.

Moreover, there is no good reason to assume that the Roman slave trade was dominated by males. Women and children would more frequently survive military defeat than adult men, and were therefore more likely to turn up in the slave markets. Females were also at greater risk from exposure after birth, and thus more liable to be picked up by slavedealers or private individuals and reared as slaves. Ancient sources almost stereotypically report the enslavement of women and children in times of violent conflict. The topical nature of these references strengthens rather than qualifies my case. The application of this stock motif even in legendary cases strongly suggests that ancient authors considered the enslavement of non-combatants a natural outcome of war: thus, when the annalistic tradition credited Tarquinius Priscus with the capture of the cities of Arpiola, Corniculum, and Suessa Pometia, it had most men perish but women and children being led off as slaves. Unless non-Italian customers bought up all the women and children and left only men for the Italian market, female slaves headed for the heartland of the empire need not have been outnumbered by men. Because of this, and in view of the balancing effect of slave reproduction, it would be entirely unjustified to posit a seriously slanted age distribution among slaves in late Republican and early imperial Italy.

The best ancient evidence for servile sex ratios draws a similar picture. As I have pointed out before, the published census returns from Middle Egypt record twenty-two male and thirty-one female slaves up to the age of thirty. Virtually all male slaves had been manumitted by that age, whereas women were kept in slavery until menopause. This pattern shows that servile sex ratios in the Roman Empire did not have to be high, and that the reproductive capacity of slaves was valued by their owners. It is true that these data
come from a different region and a later period, and cannot prove anything about late Republican Italy. Unfortunately, neither can records from Italy itself. Some epigraphic sources from that region display male-biased sex ratios among slaves. However, we simply do not know what this means: whereas census declarants were compelled to report the actual membership of their households, wealthy patrons who commissioned epitaphs for their slaves were at liberty to be more discriminating. 77 per cent of the commemorated household staff of Livia were male, as were 66 per cent of the commemorated town slaves of two other aristocratic clans. ‘Commemorated’ is the operative term. Equally high sex ratios among free persons whose names were deemed worthy of epigraphic preservation are known from other parts of the ancient Mediterranean. Perhaps the most famous example is furnished by the citizenship inscriptions from Hellenistic Miletus, in which the sons of newly naturalized mercenaries outnumber daughters four to one. This dramatic imbalance has repeatedly been interpreted as a sign of strikingly high rates of femicide. The under-reporting of very young girls even in the census returns of Roman Egypt and the patriarchal habit of considering oneself childless unless endowed with a son suggest a less dramatic explanation: instead of jumping to the radical conclusion that girls were valued so little that they were regularly killed or exposed, we might want to consider the possibility that they were merely undervalued enough to be passed over in silence. Neo-Babylonian cuneiform records from the seventh to fourth centuries b.c. mention some
45,000 individuals by name, including 1,200 privately-owned slaves. Of the latter, 850 are men and 360 are women, a ratio of 2.4 to 1. At the same time, we know from the same corpus of evidence that most male slaves had wives and children. This apparent paradox disappears once we accept that men are simply much more likely to be referred to by name than women. High sex ratios in Roman inscriptions should perhaps be explained in the same way.

Whereas there is no evidence in favour of a high sex ratio in the slave trade, ancient sources stress the availability of women and children. Since there is no sign of a particularly slanted distribution of incoming slaves, there is similarly no reason to assume that it would have taken natural reproduction many centuries to eradicate any existing imbalances. In short, nothing supports the assumption that slave sex ratios posed a major obstacle to successful reproduction.

Mortality

This factor is empirically unknown. Occasional claims that ancient slaves must on average have led shorter lives than the free population are pure speculation and logically presuppose that legal status was a critical determinant of life expectancy. This assumption flies in the face of what we know about living conditions in pre-modern societies. Prior to the rise of modern hygiene and medicine, material assets and social standing did not automatically improve longevity. As I have argued elsewhere, Roman emperors who died of natural causes, senators and city councillors did not live notably longer than others. More generally, there is no good evidence for a significant correlation between wealth and longevity until the eighteenth century. Exposure to infectious disease was a much more important variable. Thus, slaves in the US outlived their fellow-sufferers in the Caribbean or Brazil mainly because of a less malign disease regime. Similar differences can be observed between slaves’ longevity in the malarial rice swamps of the Carolinas and in the healthier interior of the Upper South. In Roman Italy, urban slaves inhabited the same houses as their owners, ingested the same water, and were bitten by the same insects. Miners and gladiators were hardly typical of the slave population as a whole. Thanks to lower levels of population density and (where applicable) higher altitudes, country life is usually associated with above-average life expectancy. However, Sallares has argued that, to the extent that rural slaves were deployed in the low-lying and increasingly malarious plains of western central Italy, they may indeed have faced elevated risks of morbidity and mortality. This raises an important point. If slaves were disproportionately likely to live in cities and in insalubrious parts of the countryside, their mean life expectancy would indeed have fallen short of the regional aggregate mean. Even in the absence of other constraints, this factor alone would have been sufficient to forestall natural reproduction at replacement level. This disadvantage did not arise from their legal identity per se; instead, it was an indirect consequence of the fact that for them lack of freedom dictated place of residence.
 
Michael Dwayne Vick (born June 26, 1980 in Newport News, Virginia) is an American football quarterback for the National Football League's Atlanta Falcons franchise.

Vick rose from a youth of financially-disadvantaged circumstances living in a public housing project in a neighborhood nicknamed "Bad Newz" to become a stand-out high school football player, winning a scholarship to attend college at Virginia Tech. He cut his collegiate career short, joining the Atlanta Falcons in 2001. Vick became one of the highest-paid NFL players, drawing record attendance at the Georgia Dome. In 2004, he signed a 10-year, $130 million contract with the team, and was soon earning lucrative commercial product endorsements as well.

On July 17, 2007, Vick and three other men were indicted by a federal grand jury for operating an unlawful 6-year long interstate dog fighting venture called "Bad Newz Kennels" based at property he owns in a rural area of Virginia. Federal documents and a plea agreement by a co-defendant outlined the football star's purchase and development of the 15-acre property for Bad Newz Kennels, his direct involvement at dog fighting events, handling of payouts for substantial gambling activities, and participation in exceptionally extreme violence against losing and under-performing dogs, all of which it was alleged that he primarily financed as a "continuing criminal enterprise."

Vick's fame combined with the gruesome details to draw widespread protests and expressions of public outrage regarding dog fighting and animal cruelty. On July 23, NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell directed him not to report to training camp; Atlanta Falcons owner Arthur Blank stated that he should not anticipate playing again until the matter is resolved. Many companies including Nike have withdrawn Vick-related products. His supporters and animal rights groups have each waged public demonstration campaigns.

On July 26, he was arraigned and released to bail under direct supervision of the U.S. District Court pending a trial on November 26. He has retained a five-member legal defense team, including prominent defense attorneys. As of August 3, the allegations and related matters remain under continued local and federal investigations.

Early life
Michael Vick was born to Brenda Vick (16) and Michael Boddie (17) on June 26, 1980, in Newport News, Virginia. Michael Boddie spent 2 1/2 years in the U.S Army, then went through a succession of jobs, eventually finding steady work in the Newport News shipyards as a sandblaster and spray-painter, with his days starting early and ending after dark.[2] Brenda Vick worked jobs such at a local Kmart and driving a school bus part-time, and her parents helped with the young family. Michael and Brenda married when their son Michael was about five years old, by which time they had four children, Michael's older sister Christina, and younger siblings Marcus and Courtney. The children elected to continue to use their Vick surname after their parents wed.

The Vick children grew up living in the "Ridley Circle Homes", a public housing project in a financially depressed and crime-ridden neighborhood located in the East End section of the port city on the harbor of Hampton Roads, not far from the downtown area and its massive shipyard and the coal piers. The East End of Newport News is often known in hip hop ("urban") culture by the slang names "Bad News" or "Bad Newz".

In 2007, after allegations of operating an interstate dog fighting conspiracy and an indictment was issued which described alleged acts of extreme brutality against the animals by Vick himself, his youth drew renewed public and media interest. A newspaper article published in July, written by Richmond Times-Dispatch reporter David Ress, painted for readers a vivid image of the neighborhood which seemed to be not much changed by observations of local people almost ten years after Michael Vick left:

"950-plus units of public-housing projects crammed into an area of about a dozen blocks. Row after row of aging two-story apartment buildings, pressed close to the Interstate 664 bridge and looming black piles of coal. Close enough to the water for a whiff from the seafood packing plants but not for a fresh breeze. Just enough space for a walkway and clotheslines between the buildings, but not for a basketball court...not a dog in sight."
Ress interviewed one resident who said that there is drug dealing, drive-by shooting and killing in the neighborhood, adding, "Plenty of good people, too." The man, kicking his foot in the dirt, commented "All this is nothing but sand down here, can't even grow grass...You're stuck in a little hole down here." For some, that resident thinks, sports was a way out...a dream for many. And even if it isn't, sports is a way for children in the Newport News projects to stay out of trouble...his kids, ages 9 to 15, like to play at the basketball court four blocks away from their home, adding "gunfire sometimes sends them scampering back home."[3]

Vick told the Newport News Daily Press in 2001, that when he was 10 or 11 "I would go fishing even if the fish weren't biting, just to get out of there" and away from the violence and stress of daily life in the projects. His home at Ridley Circle was within walking distance of the Newport News Department of Parks, Recreation and Tourism's public King-Lincoln Park, which offers salt water fishing near the point where the James River becomes part of Hampton Roads. The park was named to jointly honor Dr. Martin Luther King and U.S. President Abraham Lincoln.

Even through the area is, by all accounts, troubled, several people interviewed were disbelieving that dog fighting was a local activity there. Kevin Brown, a minister who has organized a storefront after-school program called "Operation Breaking Through" told reporter Ress that in the low-income housing projects where Vick grew up, there isn't much money for buying and betting on dogs. Reverend Brown stated: "Folks in this community are just in survival mode...They don't have money for gambling." Another man interviewed by the newspaper, a 25-year-old who was hanging around with a group of a dozen friends by the Harbor Homes public housing project on Jefferson Avenue, seemed to agree. "There's no dog fighting around here," he told Ress.[3]


Early amateur athletics
During the early years of his family, Michael Boddie's employment required a lot of travel, but he taught football skills to his two sons at an early age. Michael Vick was only three years old when his father, nicknamed "Bullet" for his blinding speed during his own playing days on the gridiron, began teaching him the fundamentals. He also taught younger brother Marcus.

As he grew up, Michael Vick, who went by "Ookie" back then[2], also learned a lot about football from a second cousin 4 years older, Aaron Brooks. Vick and Brooks both spent a lot of time as youths at the local Boys and Girls Club.[4][2] As a 7-year-old throwing three touchdown passes in a Boys Club league, his apparent football talents led coaches and his parents to keep a special watch over Vick.[3]

Vick told Sporting News magazine in an interview published April 9, 2001: "Sports kept me off the streets...It kept me from getting into what was going on, the bad stuff. Lots of guys I knew have had bad problems."


High school career
Vick first came to prominence while at Ferguson High School in Newport News. As a freshman, he impressed many with his athletic ability, throwing for over 400 yards in a game that year. After Ferguson High School was closed as part of a school building modernization program of Newport News Public Schools, in 1996, as a junior, Vick and coach Tommy Reamon both moved to Warwick High School, also in Newport News,

Tommy Reamon was a former college and pro-football player who proved to be mentor several notable sports players from Newport News. These included Michael Vick, his older cousin Aaron Brooks, and later his younger brother Marcus. Born in 1952, he had been a running back at the University of Missouri in the early 1970s. Drafted in 1974 by the Pittsburgh Steelers, Reamon went on to stardom in the World Football League, and was named the league MVP in 1975. A year later, he joined the Kansas City Chiefs. He gained a total of 450 yards from scrimmage and scored five touchdowns in 1976[5], before leaving pro-ball, and becoming a high school coach.

At Warwick High School, under Coach Reamon's tutelage, Vick was a three-year starter for the Raiders, passing for 4,846 yards with 43 touchdowns during his career. He once ran for six touchdowns and threw for three touchdowns in a single game. He also added 1,048 yards and 18 scores on the ground and accounted for ten passing and ten rushing touchdowns as a senior as he passed for 1,668 yards.

Coach Reamon, who had helped guide Aaron Brooks from Newport News to the University of Virginia earlier, helped Michael with his SAT tests, and helped him and his family choose between Syracuse University and Virginia Tech. Reamon favored Virginia Tech, where he felt better guidance was available under Coach Frank Beamer, who promised to redshirt him and provide the freshman needed time to develop. He sold Michael on the school's proximity to family and friends[2], and apparently following his advice, Vick chose to attend Virginia Tech and play football as a Hokie.

As he left the Newport News public housing projects in 1998, "on the wings of a college football scholarship," Michael Vick was seen in the Newport News (and close-by Hampton) community of the lower Virginia Peninsula as a "success story."[3] In a story published in September 2000, while his son Michael was at Virginia Tech, Michael Boddie told the university's Collegiate Times: "Ever since he learned to throw a football, he's always liked throwing a ball...It's just in his blood." He added that his son had never gotten into trouble or ... involved with drugs, adding: "I like the way he has developed, not only as a player but as a person."[3]
 
College career

Vick on the cover of ESPN The MagazineAfter high school, Michael Vick attended Virginia Tech. In his first collegiate game as a redshirt freshman in 1999, he scored three rushing touchdowns in just over one quarter of play. His last touchdown was a spectacular flip in which he landed awkwardly on his ankle, forcing him to miss the remainder of the game in addition to the following game. During the season, Vick led a last-minute game-winning drive against West Virginia in the annual rivalry game. He led the Hokies to an 11-0 season and to the 2000 Bowl Championship Series national title game in the Nokia Sugar Bowl against Florida State University. Although Virginia Tech lost 46-29, Vick was able to bring the team back from a 21 point deficit to take a brief lead. During the season, Vick appeared on the cover of an ESPN The Magazine issue.

Vick led the NCAA in passing efficiency that year, setting a record for a freshman (180.4), which was also good enough for the third-highest all-time mark (Colt Brennan holds the record at 185.9 from his 2006 season at Hawaii). Vick was awarded an ESPY Award as the nation's top college player, and won the first-ever Archie Griffin Award as college football's most valuable player. He was invited to the 1999 Heisman Trophy presentation and finished third in the voting behind Ron Dayne and Joe Hamilton. Vick's third-place finish matched the highest finish ever by a freshman up to that point, first set by Herschel Walker in 1980 (Adrian Peterson has since broken that mark, finishing second in 2004).

Vick's 2000 season did have its share of highlights, such as his career rushing high of 210 yards against the Boston College Eagles in Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts. Against West Virginia in the Black Diamond Trophy game, Vick accounted for 288 total yards of offense and two touchdowns in a 48-20 win. In his final collegiate season, Virginia Tech finished 11-1, with the lone loss coming against the highly-ranked University of Miami (A game where Vick did not start and saw limited action due to an ankle injury). Vick's final game at Virginia Tech came in the Toyota Gator Bowl, where he was named MVP of the game.

With the opportunity and huge financial benefits as an option, Vick elected to quit Virginia Tech after two years to become a of professional football player. Aware that the rest of his family was still living in their 3 bedroom apartment in the Ridley Circle Homes, Michael Vick stated that he was going to buy his mother "a home and a car."


Professional career

NFL Draft
Vick was selected in the first round of the 2001 NFL Draft with the first overall pick. The San Diego Chargers had the number one selection spot in the draft that year but traded the rights to the first overall choice to the Atlanta Falcons a day before the draft, for which they received the Falcons' first round pick (5th overall) and third round pick in 2001 (used to draft CB Tay Cody), a second round pick in 2002 (used to draft WR Reche Caldwell) and WR/KR Tim Dwight. With the Chargers' downgraded spot (the 5th overall), they selected Texas Christian University running back LaDainian Tomlinson, who went on to become league MVP in 2006 (although Vick has never become league MVP, he finished second in voting in 2004).[6] In this way, Tomlinson and Vick are linked as having been "traded" for each other, although the transaction was actually the result of traded draft picks and contract negotiations.[7]


Early NFL career
Vick made his NFL debut at San Francisco on September 9, 2001, and saw limited action. He completed his first NFL pass with an 18-yard strike to WR Tony Martin in the second quarter vs. Carolina on September 23 and first NFL touchdown on a two-yard rushing score in the fourth quarter to help the Falcons to a 24-16 victory. Vick made his first career start at Dallas on November 11 and threw the first touchdown pass of his career on a nine-yard toss to TE Alge Crumpler in a 20-13 victory. In his two starts of the eight games played that season, Vick completed 50 of 113 passes for 785 yards with two touchdowns and three interceptions, including accounting for 234 of the team's 255 yards at the team’s season finale at St. Louis on January 6, 2002. He also rushed 29 times for 289 yards (9.9 avg.) and one touchdown.

In 2002, Vick became a bona fide star and MVP candidate in his first season as a full-time starter at the age of 22. He was named to his first Pro Bowl after starting all 15 games played, only missing a game to the New York Giants on October 13 due to a sprained shoulder. He completed 231 of 421 passes for 2,936 yards (both career-highs) and 16 touchdowns, while he also tallied 113 carries for 777 yards and eight rushing touchdowns. In this season, Vick established numerous single-game career-highs, including passes completed with 24 and pass attempts with 46 at Pittsburgh on November 10, as well as passing yards with 337 vs. Detroit on December 22. He also completed a career-long 74 yards for a touchdown to WR Trevor Gaylor vs. New Orleans on November 17. Vick registered an NFL record for most rushing yards by a quarterback in a single a game with 173 yards at Minnesota on December 1. Vick also tied for third in team history for the lowest interception percentage in a season at 1.90 and continued a streak of consecutive passes without an interception that began at St. Louis on January 6, 2002 in the season-finale of the 2001 season and extended to the first quarter vs. Baltimore on November 3, 2002. His streak covered 25 straight quarters and 177 passes without an interception. On January 1, 2003, Vick led the Atlanta Falcons to an upset victory over the heavily favored Green Bay Packers 27-7 in the NFC playoffs, ending the Packers' undefeated playoff record at Lambeau Field. The Falcons would later lose 20-6 to the Donovan McNabb-led Philadelphia Eagles in the NFC divisional playoff game.


2003-2004 NFL seasons
During a pre-season game against the Baltimore Ravens on August 16, Vick suffered a fractured right fibula and missed the first 11 games of the regular season. In Week 13, Vick made his season debut in relief of QB Doug Johnson in the third quarter at Houston on November 30, completing 8 of 11 passes for 60 yards and recording 16 rushing yards on three carries. He posted his first start of the season vs. Carolina on December 7 and amassed the third-highest rushing total by a quarterback in NFL history with 141 yards on 14 carries and one score to lead the Falcons to a come-from-behind 20-14 overtime victory. The 141 yards trail Tobin Rote's 150 yards on November 18, 1951 with Green Bay and his own NFL record of 173 at Minnesota December 1, 2002 on the NFL's all-time list for quarterbacks. He also completed 16 of 33 passes for 179 yards and accounted for 320 of the team's 380 total yards worth of offense. On December 20, Vick engineered a 30-28 victory at Tampa Bay completing 8 of 15 passes for 119 yards and two touchdowns for a passer rating of 119.2. Vick closed out the season with a 21-14 victory vs. Jacksonville on December 28, where he completed 12 of 22 passes for 180 yards with two touchdowns and one interception. Ending the season starting four of five games played, Vick completed 50 of 100 passes for 585 yards with four touchdowns and three interceptions and also rushing 40 times for 255 yards and one touchdown while guiding the Falcons to a 3-1 record in the final four weeks of action.

In 2004, Vick was named to his second Pro Bowl after starting all 15 games played and completing 181 of 321 passes for 2,313 yards with 14 touchdowns and 12 interceptions while he also posted career-highs with 120 carries for 902 yards along with three rushing touchdowns. The 902 rushing yards with a 7.52 average per carry ranked third and second, respectively, in NFL annals for quarterbacks. Vick was also named NFC Offensive Player of the Week on two separate occasions during the season, one for his performance at Denver on October 31 when he became the first quarterback to throw for more than 250 yards and rush for over 100 yards in the same game. He led the team to an 11-4 record, which was the third-best record for a starting quarterback in team history behind Chris Chandler (13-1 in 1998) and Steve Bartkowski (12-4 in 1980). Overall, the Falcons finished the season with an 11-5 record, earning a first-round bye in the NFL playoffs for only the third time in franchise history. The Vick-led Falcons rushed for a playoff record 317 yards. (Vick himself had 119 of them, setting an NFL playoff record for a quarterback). He also threw two touchdown passes against the Rams in the NFC Divisional Playoffs. However, the Eagles again played the role of heart breaker, beating them in the NFC title game 27-10.

On December 23, 2004, Vick signed a 10-year contract with the Atlanta Falcons worth $130 million with a $37 million signing bonus, making him the highest paid player in NFL history at that time and one of the highest paid ever in sports.[8] Vick's deal surpasses the $98 million contract the Indianapolis Colts' Peyton Manning signed in March 2005. Manning, who signed for seven years, is guaranteed $34.5 million in bonuses. Vick's $130 million potential value tops Philadelphia's Donovan McNabb's 12-year, $115 million deal that runs through 2013.


Recent NFL career

Vick scans the field against the SaintsIn 2005, Vick was named to his third Pro Bowl after starting all 15 games played and completing 214 of 387 passes for 2,412 yards with 15 touchdowns and 13 interceptions. His 597 rushing yards on 102 carries (5.9 avg.) with six scores led all NFL quarterbacks and his 5.9 average yards per carry led all NFL rushers with at least 100 carries. Vick also helped three players have career years in RB Warrick Dunn, TE Alge Crumpler, and WR Michael Jenkins.


Vick (#7) watches from the sidelines while the defense is on the field against the GiantsOn October 22, 2006, against the Pittsburgh Steelers, Vick had his first game in which he threw three or more touchdowns. After three quarters, Vick had four touchdowns, three of which went to Alge Crumpler. The following week against the Cincinnati Bengals, he threw three more with no interceptions and was honored with the NFC Player of the Week award. Vick also had a career high-tying four TD passes vs. Dallas in Week 15. During the 2006 season, Vick connected on 204 of 388 passes for 2,474 yards with a career-high 20 touchdowns. He was also third in the league in rushes of ten or more yards with 44, behind only the Giants' Tiki Barber (50) and Kansas City's Larry Johnson (49).

Only Randall Cunningham and Steve Young have more rushing yards at the quarterback position than Vick, who is ranked first in career rushing yards among active QB's. Vick is also first among QB's all-time in rushing yards per game, at 53.5 yards per game. Cunningham is second (30.6/g), Bobby Douglass is third (29.8/g). Vick also holds several NFL quarterback rushing records, including most rushing yards in one game (173), most 100-yard rushing games (7), and most rushing yards in a single season (1,039).


Style of play

Vick (far left) runs the offense against the Lions in a 2005 Thanksgiving Day gameVick is noted for his unique, explosive playing style. Some commentators consider him the most exciting player in the game of football, and he has given himself the nickname "Superman".[9] Gifted with agility, speed, and a strong arm, he can engineer big plays with both his arm and his legs. Notable is the fact that while he throws left-handed, he is otherwise right-handed. In the 2004 football season (including post season), he rushed for over 1000 yards. Vick's mobility has often caused major problems for opposing defenses, which have to defend against him differently than they would against a conventional-style quarterback. Whereas most quarterbacks are not a major threat to run the ball for a lot of yards, Vick is capable of breaking huge runs from anywhere on the field or evading defenders to give his receivers time to get open.

The Falcons are one of the few teams in the NFL to have a large number of specifically-designed running plays for their quarterback. His speed and arm strength also pose a threat to "Cover 2" defenses, which can be neutralized by short and medium range passes, which requires a quarterback with a strong arm.[10]

While Vick is not the first scrambling, lefty-throwing quarterback (Bobby Douglass was a dual threat with the Chicago Bears in the 1970s, and Steve Young of the 49ers in the 1990s), few present-day quarterbacks possess Vick's mobility.

Vick is an elite runner but only has average accuracy when it comes to his passing game. His career completion percentage is 53.8%.

Despite his past injuries, which include knee and hamstring ailments, former Falcons head coach Jim Mora Jr. implemented an offensive scheme obviously derived from the option offense early in the 2006 season to take advantage of Vick's athleticism. The option offense is generally not used in the National Football League due to the punishment quarterbacks often receive.

Vick stated after the 2004 season that he wouldn't cut his hair until he won a Super Bowl.[11] However, in his court appearance on July 26th, he appeared with short hair.


Debate and criticism
The most frequent criticisms of Vick are that he has poor fundamental skills and that he puts himself at unnecessary risk of injury. Critics cite the leg fracture he suffered in the 2003 pre-season against the Ravens, and a knee injury he suffered early in the 2005 season (which reoccurred a few weeks later), that hampered his mobility throughout the year as prime evidence that Vick needs to learn to "pick his spots" as a runner, citing the example of Steve Young, another mobile left-handed signal caller who had a mediocre professional career before being placed in an offensive system with the San Francisco 49ers that optimized his talents. Young eventually won a Super Bowl and was inducted into the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 2005, becoming the first left-handed quarterback to be so honored.

The aforementioned playoff win against the Packers remains perhaps Vick's biggest career win as a starter. But while Vick does deserve some credit in engineering the victory, he finished the game with a 52 percent completion rate, throwing for just 117 yards and one touchdown. Meanwhile, the Falcons' defense forced three fumbles from three different players and forced future Hall of Famer Brett Favre into throwing two interceptions while limiting running back Ahman Green, at the time one of the league's top rushers, to just 34 yards. Atlanta's special teams unit also blocked a punt and returned it for one of the Falcons' three touchdowns.

Critics have stated that while Vick has a powerful arm, his passes are not nearly as accurate as those of other top quarterbacks in the league, such as New England's Tom Brady or Indianapolis' Peyton Manning, both of whom have better quarterback ratings. Vick supporters argue that the quarterback rating doesn't take into account Vick's rushing yards, and is not an accurate benchmark of Vick's contribution to the team. However, another counterpoint from critics is that sacks and yards lost are not integrated into an NFL quarterback's rushing stats, making it technically impossible for Vick, or any other quarterback, to carry a negative rushing average. This in turn masks the cost of Vick's unsuccessful attempts to rush.

In a November 2005 press conference, Vick scoffed at the notion that he was a weak "pocket" passer.[citation needed] Vick's knee problem had limited his mobility, and his quarterback rating actually improved modestly. However, the Falcon's winning percentage did not likewise increase.

Other pundits also believe that the Falcons, while replete with competent "possession" receivers, lack a fast, "deep threat" wideout who can make yards after the catch.[citation needed] To help remedy this, the Falcons acquired former Buffalo Bills wideout Peerless Price prior to the 2003 season. But Price proved to be a massive disappointment, catching just six touchdowns passes over the course of two seasons.[citation needed] He was released by the organization prior to the 2005 season and re-signed with Buffalo. Arguably, Vick's favorite target is tight end Alge Crumpler, a very good receiver, but certainly no speedster. Receiver Brian Finneran, another favorite target of Vick's (but, like Crumpler, no speedster), suffered a devastating left knee injury in the Falcons' training camp and missed the 2006 season.[citation needed]

Vick's critics have countered that it's unfair to cast the blame on the receivers alone, though, since Vick remains the common denominator in the Falcons offense. There have also been reports that Vick and the Falcons coaching staff do not always see eye to eye, and that Vick struggled to understand the intricate West Coast playbook, which led to the implementation of the option-esque offense.[citation needed] Other pundits have stated that they believe that traditional "rules" about what a quarterback should be and how the position should be played do not apply to Vick due to his effective, non-traditional style.[citation needed]

A few critics have been even harsher than simply singling out Vick's accuracy woes, derisively labeling him an "athlete" who happens to play the quarterback position rather than a true quarterback. He has shown the potential to be at least an adequate passer, however.[citation needed] He amassed a quarterback rating of 81.6 in 2002, which is his best performance in that statistical category.

Vick's visibility has earned him some backlash as well. Some fans have reacted negatively to the constant media hype that surrounds Vick, and feel that the over exuberant American sports media anointed him as the best player in football without sufficient proof for the accolade. For instance, Vick's selection to the Pro Bowl for the 2005 season was a controversial one, given that in addition to his 15 touchdown passes, he threw 13 interceptions, and that his 2,412 passing yards is extremely below average.[12] However, he did rush for over 500 yards and scored six touchdowns. Following Vick's Pro Bowl selection, sports columnist Tim Cowlishaw of the Dallas Morning News called Vick "the most overrated player in the league." Likewise, in an NFL season preview article in the August, 2006 issue of Maxim, the magazine's readers crowned Vick as "Most Overrated." A Sports Illustrated poll taken in 2005 also showed that the Vick is considered to the most overrated player in the NFL.
 
Personal life

Controversy and troubles

Ron Mexico lawsuit
In March 2005 a woman named Sonya Elliott filed a civil lawsuit against Vick alleging she contracted genital herpes from Vick and that he failed to inform her that he had the disease.[13] Elliot further alleged that Vick had visited clinics under the alias "Ron Mexico" to get treatments and thus he knew of his condition. This led to a deluge of fans ordering customized #7 Atlanta Falcons jerseys on NFLShop.com with the name "Mexico" on the back.[14] Due to the media interest surrounding the case, the National Football League disallowed the use of the jersey/name combination two days after the lawsuit. On April 24, 2006 Vick's attorney, Lawrence Woodward, revealed that the lawsuit had settled out of court with an undisclosed amount.[15]

Video game developer Midway Games has alluded to Vick and his Ron Mexico alter-ego in their 2006 title, Blitz: The League. Due to Midway's loss of the National Football League license (EA Sports now has exclusive NFL licensing), all teams and players in the game are fictitious. However, the "Washington Redhawks"' star quarterback is a mobile, left-handed passer named "Mike Mexico."


Obscene gesture incident
After a Falcons loss to the New Orleans Saints in the Georgia Dome on November 26, 2006 and in reaction to his home fans booing him, Vick made an obscene gesture at Atlanta fans, holding up two middle fingers.[16] Vick has said, "I'm sorry and I apologize to all the young kids and to whoever saw me make that gesture. I just let my emotions get the best of me in that situation and it won't happen again."[17] Vick was fined $10,000 by the NFL for his obscene gesture, and agreed to donate another $10,000 to charity.


Water bottle incident
On January 17, 2007 Vick surrendered a water bottle to security at Miami International Airport. Due to Vick's reluctance to leave the bottle behind, it was later retrieved from a trash receptacle. The bottle was found to have a hidden compartment that contained "a small amount of dark particulate and a pungent aroma closely associated with marijuana," a Miami police report said. "The compartment was hidden by the bottle's label so that it appeared to be a full bottle of water when held upright," police said. On Monday, January 22, 2007, the test results indicated there were no illegal substances in the water bottle and Vick was cleared of any wrongdoing. Vick also was drug tested, and the results were negative.[18]

The security tape from the airport documenting the incident has also been erased because, according to The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, Miami-Dade Police Department spokesman Robert Williams wrote in an e-mail: "That information was shown to the State's Attorney's office and it was determined by them that no criminal act was committed and no charges were filed. Therefore, this video was deleted from the flash drive since it was not being used in a criminal case."[19]

The Falcons later released the following statement: "We appreciate the speed at which the Miami authorities concluded their investigation, and we are pleased to learn of the outcome of the investigation. This is another reminder of the high-profile nature of a professional athlete and the close scrutiny players undergo related to their conduct on and off the field. We look forward to putting this matter behind us."[20]

On March 22, 2007, Vick announced that the water bottle was a jewelry stash box, and that the substance in question had been jewelry. Vick indicated that he keeps his jewelry there to prevent theft.[21]

Before the test results indicated there were no illegal substances in the water bottle and Vick was cleared of any wrongdoing, Saturday Night Live went on to do a parody of the incident in which they questioned Vick's actions in a skit called "Really?"


Missed appearance on Capitol Hill
On April 24, 2007, Vick was scheduled to lobby on Capitol Hill, hoping to persuade lawmakers to increase funding for after-school programs. Vick missed a connecting flight in Atlanta on Monday and failed to show for his Tuesday morning appearance.[22]

Vick's publicist, Susan Bass, said it wasn't his fault, saying Vick was in Tampa, Florida on Monday to play in teammate Warrick Dunn's charity golf tournament, then caught a flight to Atlanta that was supposed to arrive in time for him to make another flight to Reagan National Airport in Arlington, Virginia. However, Bass said the AirTran flight was late leaving Tampa, and Vick missed his connection, and wound up stuck in Atlanta, Bass said. "He was really mad," Bass added. AirTran booked Vick on a later flight Monday evening in time to make the Tuesday morning appearance, but Vick failed to show for the flight.

Vick's mother, Brenda Vick Boddie, accepted an award from the Afterschool Alliance on her son's behalf. Vick was honored for his foundation's work with after-school projects in Georgia and Virginia.


Bad Newz Kennels investigation
This section documents a current event.
Information may change rapidly as the event progresses.

Main article: Bad Newz Kennels dog fighting investigation
Beginning on April 25, 2007, widespread media publicity was drawn by discovery of evidence of unlawful dog fighting activities at a property he owns in a rural county in southeastern Virginia.[23] On July 17, 2007, Vick and three other men were indicted by a federal grand jury for felony and misdemeanor charges involving a 6-year long interstate dog fighting venture called "Bad Newz Kennels" and tens of thousands of dollars in gambling activities. Authorities contend that Vick's 15-acre estate in Surry County near Smithfield, Virginia was purchased and developed specifically for the criminal enterprise.

Even within a controversial and brutal blood sport, the federal allegations detailed exceptionally extreme violence involving execution of losing and under-performing dogs, including Vick's direct involvement, drawing widespread protests and expressions of public outrage regarding dog fighting and animal cruelty.

On July 23, after days of public statements, protests, and demands for suspension of Vick from NFL play pending the resolution of the pending criminal charges, NFL commissioner Roger Goodell ordered Vick not to report to the Falcons training camp.[24] Corporate sponsors including Nike, Reebok, NFL Shops and trading card companies have withdrawn Vick-related products from retail sale. Vick supporters and animal rights groups have each waged public campaigns, with both represented outside his July 26 hearing in Richmond.

Following a detention hearing and arraignment on federal counts on July 26 in U.S. District Court in Richmond, Vick was released to bail under direct supervision of the U.S. District Court in Richmond pending a trial on November 26 2007.

On July 24, Surry County Sheriff Harold D. Brown, stated that he felt certain state indictments for additional charges in Virginia would be returned by a local grand jury during its September session. According to the Code of Virginia, various violations of the Virginia laws involving dog fighting[25] and cruelty to companion animals[26] are considered class 6 felony crimes, each carrying a fine and 1 to 5 years in prison per offense. Over fifty dogs were seized, in addition to carcasses recovered during several searches of Vick's property.

As of July 31, the allegations remain under continued local and federal investigations.


Endorsements
During his NFL career, Vick became a spokesperson for many companies; his endorsement contracts have included Nike, EA Sports, Coca-Cola, Powerade, Kraft, Rawlings, Hasbro and AirTran.[27][28] His contract along with his endorsements had Vick ranked 33 among Forbes' Top 100 Celebrities in 2005.[27] However, two years later, he was not even listed on the most recent Forbes Top 100 Celebrities. Even before the animal cruelty case surfaced in 2007, Vick's corporate status had deteriorated, apparently due to extensive bad press. Among the negative incidents cited by observers of this was his middle finger gesture to Atlanta football fans in 2006.[29][30] His endorsement deals with at least six companies (Coca-Cola, EA Sports, Kraft Foods, Hasbro and AirTran) have expired over the past few years and have not been renewed.


AirTran
AirTran did not renew their relationship on May 8 2007. This was after both his missed appearance on Capitol Hill on April 24 and the police search at his property near Smithfield, Virginia later the same week, when the dog fighting investigation became widely known, but well before the most damaging allegations and the federal indictments.

AirTran has made no public statements regarding the reason for ending the endorsement relationship with Vick. However, ESPN reported on May 31 "especially stinging to AirTran was that Vick's publicist blamed the airline when the quarterback known for his quickness failed to arrive in Washington to speak before Congress. AirTran said Vick had ample opportunities to get to his destination on AirTran but chose not to."[31]


Impact of publicity, federal indictments
On July 18, 2007, following extensive media coverage of the content of Vick's 18-page federal indictment of July 17, Neil Schwartz, director of marketing for SportScanInfo, which tracks sporting goods sales, told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution: "I just think it's going to be really hard for Michael to somehow repair his public image unless these charges are totally false... American people are incredibly forgiving, but the heinous nature of what went on here may be a whole different ballgame." The same article also quoted Bill Sutton, a professor of sports business at the University of Central Florida: "You won't find him anywhere" in advertising or marketing in the near future.[32]

MSNBC quoted David Carter, founder of the Sports Business Group, a Southern California-based provider of strategic sports-marketing services: "Number one, animal cruelty is something no one will tolerate. Number two, you have the underbelly of possible gambling. Number three, you have the strength of [animal] advocacy groups. They aren't going away."[33]


Product marketing reactions
According to the Virginian-Pilot in a July 19, 2007 article, Vick's biggest marketing deal is with Nike. [34] Later on the same day, USA Today reported that Vick's legal troubles have prompted Nike to suspend the release of its latest product line named after him, telling retailers it will not release a fifth signature shoe, the Air Zoom Vick V, "this summer."[35]

On July 27, Nike announced it "has suspended Michael Vick's contract without pay, and will not sell any more Michael Vick product at Nike owned retail at this time." However, the company said it had not terminated the contract, as animal-rights activists had urged. [36]

On July 27, Adidas announced its Reebok division would stop selling Vick football jerseys and the NFL said it had pulled all Vick-related items from NFLShop.com.[37] Within days, Donruss, a trading card company, has decided to pull Vick's card from any future 2007 releases, according to Beckett Media, which covers the collectibles industry. [38] Upper Deck, another trading card company, took similar action.

On July 31, St. Louis-based sporting goods manufacturer Rawlings, which used Vick's likeness to sell merchandise and modeled a football using his name, ended its relationship. The same day, the Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported that Dick's Sporting Goods and Sports Authority stores, part of a major chain, have also stopped selling Vick-related goods. [39]


Charity work
In June 2006, Vick, along with his brother Marcus Vick and mother Brenda Vick Boddie, established The Vick Foundation, a nonprofit organization that supports at-risk youth and the after school programs that serve them in the Metro Atlanta and Hampton Roads areas. The announcement of the organization came just before the start of the foundation’s first fundraiser, the Michael Vick Golf Classic. The inaugural event was held at the prestigious Kingsmill Golf Course in James City County near Williamsburg, Virginia in partnership with The Virginia Tech Alumni Association Tidewater Chapter, and netted more than $80,000 for charity.[1]

After the Virginia Tech massacre in April 2007, Vick teamed up with the United Way to donate $10,000 to assist families affected by the tragedy.[40] Vick explained, "When tragic things like this happen, families have enough to deal with, and if I can help in some small way, that's the least I can do." The Vick Foundation is collecting donations from local communities in both Atlanta and Virginia that will be placed in the United In Caring Fund for Victims of the Virginia Tech Tragedy and the special fund at the United Way of Montgomery, Radford and Floyd counties, which serves the Virginia Tech area. Vick's foundation said the money will be used to provide help with funeral expenses, transportation for family members and other support services.

It was announced in June 2007 that the "Michael Vick Football Camp" to be held at Christopher Newport University in Newport News was canceled for the summer 2007 session because of "scheduling issues."[41] The university on Warwick Boulevard in Newport News is partially located on the site of the former Homer L. Ferguson High School (which closed in 1996), the school where Vick began his football fame. He also canceled participation in another football camp to be held at the College of William and Mary. According to that university, his place was to be taken by Washington Redskins quarterback Jason Campbell.[42]

On June 22, 2007, a charity golf tournament featuring Vick, intended in part to raise scholarships in memory of Virginia Tech's shooting victims, was rescheduled for September.[43] The tournament at Kingsmill Resort & Spa had been set to begin on June 29, and a reason for the change was not announced. The tournament is the latest in a series of Virginia appearances either canceled or delayed since Vick's name surfaced in a dog fighting investigation.


Accolades

College awards and achievements

List of college awards
1999 Big East Conference Rookie of the Year
1999 Big East Conference Offensive Player of the Year
1999 Archie Griffin Award
2000 Best College Football Player ESPY Award
2001 Toyota Gator Bowl MVP

List of college records and milestones
Led the Hokies to a 20-1 record over two seasons and carried the school to the National Championship Game in his first season as a college starting quarterback in 1999.
Applied for early entry into NFL draft (as a redshirt sophomore) after two seasons as Virginia Tech's starter and one appearance in a National Championship Game.
Completed 87 of 161 passes for 1,234 yards with eight touchdowns while carrying 104 times for 607 yards as a sophomore in 2000.
Captured the first-ever Archie Griffin Award as college football Player of the Year as a (redshirt) freshman when he led the nation in passing efficiency at 180.37, the second-highest total ever, and guided the Hokies to a perfect 11-0 regular season record.
Set an NCAA record for a freshman and established single-season school records for highest yards passing per completion (20.4), per attempt (12.1), highest completion percentage (59.2) and most yards per play (9.3).
Appeared in ten games, completing 90 of 152 passes for 1,840 yards with 12 touchdowns, and rushed 108 times for 585 yards with eight more scores. He averaged 242.5 yards of offense per game.
His performance in the Sugar Bowl vs. Florida State for the National Championship included completing 15 of 29 pass attempts for 225 yards with a 49-yard touchdown pass, as well as gaining 97 yards on 23 carries with a three-yard score, to total 322 yards of offense in almost single-handedly engineering an upset before falling, 46-29.
Finished third in the balloting for the coveted Heisman Trophy (matching the highest finish ever by a freshman) while coming away with the hardware for Big East Conference Offensive and Rookie of the Year and finished runner-up in voting for the Associated Press Player of the Year.
Became the first player in Division I history to win a league's Player of the Year Award in the same season he won Rookie of the Year.
Finished his career with a 20-1 record as starter at Virginia Tech.
Prior to the Virginia Tech-LSU contest on September 1, 2002, Vick's No. 7 jersey was retired by the school in a special ceremony. (Under Virginia Tech's then-new policy, the No. 7 jersey continues to be worn as Tech retires jerseys but not numbers.) The school added a banner featuring Vick's jersey and his name in the north end of the end zone.

NFL awards and achievements

List of NFL awards
Best NFL Player ESPY Award (2003)

List of NFL records and milestones
In 2006, Vick became the only quarterback in NFL history to rush for over 1,000 yards during the regular season.
In 2006, Vick set the NFL record for most yards per carry in a season, at 8.4.
When Vick and RB Jerious Norwood both ran for over 100 yards in Week 4 of the 2006 season, the Falcons became the only NFL team to ever record two games in a franchise's history where both the quarterback and a running back on the same team surpassed the 100-yard mark in the same game. (Vick and Warrick Dunn both eclipsed 100 yards in Week 2 of the same season.)
Vick (1,039 yards) and Dunn (1,140) became the first QB/RB tandem in NFL history to each go over the 1,000-yard rushing mark in the same season. They also became the fourth set of teammates in league history to each have 1,000 or more yards. The last set of teammates to accomplish the feat were Cleveland RBs Kevin Mack (1,104 yards) and Earnest Byner (1,002) in 1985.
Earned his second consecutive and third overall Pro Bowl nod in 2005 as he passed for 2,412 yards and 16 touchdowns in addition to leading all NFL quarterbacks with 597 rushing yards and six scores.
Named to the second Pro Bowl of his career after leading the Falcons to their third division title in team history and breaking numerous NFL and team records in 2004.
Set an NFL postseason record for a quarterback with 119 rushing yards in the 2004 NFC Divisional Playoff win against the Rams.
Became the first quarterback to ever throw for more than 250 yards and rush for over 100 yards in the same game at the Broncos (10/31/04).
Named to the 2002 Pro Bowl, becoming the sixth quarterback to be voted to the NFL All-Star game in his first year as a starter since 1970, joining Dan Marino of the Miami Dolphins (1983), Brett Favre of the Green Bay Packers (1992), Kurt Warner of the St. Louis Rams (1999), Daunte Culpepper of the Minnesota Vikings (2000), and Tom Brady of the New England Patriots (2001). This group would later include Marc Bulger of the St. Louis Rams (2003), Philip Rivers of the San Diego Chargers (2006), and Tony Romo of the Dallas Cowboys (2006).
Top overall NFL draft choice in 2001 after a celebrated college career at Virginia Tech. Was the fourth Falcons #1 overall pick in club history (Tommy Nobis in 1966, Steve Bartkowski in 1975, Aundray Bruce in 1988)
 
Enemy Territory: Quake Wars (ET:QW) is a first-person shooter computer game and is the follow-up to Wolfenstein: Enemy Territory. However, it is set in the same science fiction universe as Quake II and Quake 4, with a backstory serving as a prequel to Quake II. It is the second multiplayer-focused game in the Quake series (after Quake III Arena). Quake Wars will feature similar gameplay to Wolfenstein: Enemy Territory, but with the addition of controllable vehicles and aircraft,[3] asymmetric teams, much larger maps and the option of computer-controlled bots. Unlike the previous Enemy Territory game, Quake Wars will be a commercial release rather than a free download.

Enemy Territory: Quake Wars is being developed by Splash Damage for the PC using a modified version of id Software's Doom 3 engine and MegaTexture rendering technology.

It was announced on February 13, 2007 that Enemy Territory: Quake Wars will also be released for the Xbox 360 and Playstation 3[4] and on May 21, 2007 it was also announced that Aspyr Media will be releasing the title for the Apple Mac[5] and id Software will release a version for Linux.

Contents [hide]
1 Gameplay
2 MegaTexture
3 Awards
4 Beta Release
5 References
6 External links
6.1 Previews



[edit] Gameplay
Enemy Territory is a class based game. There are two opposing teams; the GDF (Global Defense Force), who are humans, and the Strogg, an alien race that are invading Earth. For each side there are five classes, and while these classes are essentially the same on both sides, there are small variations in the way they perform as well as differences in names. Some classes include soldiers for basic assault, medics for healing, and engineers for support. The classes of Global Defense Force consist of Soldier, Medic, Engineer, Field Ops, and Covert Ops. The corresponding Strogg classes are Aggressor, Technician, Constructor, Oppressor, and Infiltrator.

The main drive of the game is to either; capture enemy territory by completing objectives or to defend said objectives for a specified amount of time. It has been said that each side will alternate between attacking and defending[6] . In addition to the overall mission for each map, sub-missions are available, such as destroying an obstacle to make progression easier.


[edit] MegaTexture
Main article: MegaTexture
MegaTexture is a texturing technique, developed by John Carmack at id Software, that is used in Enemy Territory: Quake Wars that promises to eliminate common texture bugs and glitches found in previous games. This technology will allow maps to be totally unique, without any repeated terrain tiles. Battlefields are rendered to the horizon without any fogging, with over a square mile of terrain at inch-level detail, while also providing terrain type detail that defines such factors as bullet hit effects, vehicle traction, sound effects, and so on. Each megatexture is derived from a vast 32768 x 32768 pixel (1024 megapixel, or a gigapixel) image, which takes up around 3 GB in its raw form (with 3 bytes per pixel, one byte for each colour channel). Techniques such as DXTn exist to compress this vast amount of information down to a more manageable size.


[edit] Awards
At E³ 2006, the game won the Game Critics Award for Best Online Multiplayer.[7]


[edit] Beta Release
The public beta opened to FilePlanet paid subscribers on June 20, 2007 and to nonpaying members on June 23, 2007.

The initial beta release contains one map entitled "Sewer". This pits the two teams against one other in a fight to remove the Strogg from their sewer lair. The map consists of three main objectives for the GDF; constructing an EMP generator, planting explosives to gain access to the sewers, and finally hacking the computers to flood the Strogg out. The Strogg have to prevent the GDF from completing these objectives.

A patch has subsequently been released to add bots to the game, allowing server administrators to use this new functionality to fill up servers if they so desire.

A second build of the beta was released on August 3, 2007. It features a new map entitled "Valley" to replace "Sewer" and several changes to the game code to improve performance and implement new features. This map was featured in the tutorial videos released prior to the beta.